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National
Assembly Cape Town: 12 June 2007
Madam Speaker:
I wish to address crucial issues relating to the Presidency,
speaking not from a party political viewpoint, or even as the IFP
President, but as a South African concerned about our institution of
government.
Over the past two years, I have expressed my concerns in this House
that our constitutional system is being weakened by the attacks and
controversies which have undermined the dignity and effectiveness of
our Presidency. This is not a party political issue, but it is a
matter which should concern every South African as the President is
the face of South Africa.
The Presidency, as an institution, should represent the entire South
African nation and be above reproach, attack and political
controversy.
Because our Head of State is also our Head of Government, it becomes
unavoidable for the entire Presidency to be drawn in, and tarnished
by, the mud slinging which often characterises politics and the
arduous task of governing a democratic country.
No democratic government has been spared a constant stream of
attacks.
Such cut and thrust is the essence of democracy. But ours is not a
consolidated and mature democracy. As we can see, too much vitriol
and venom is being splashed on the Presidency in the process than is
warranted, all in the name of democracy. Our people need a point of
reference which they may respect at all times.
What is happening on the streets of South Africa speaks volumes.
There are many who feel that they are striking and rebelling against
the President, who in fact carry's the final executive
responsibility of all actions of our government.
On this note, we are all seriously concerned about the impact of the
strikes upon the nation. Whilst one recognises that both the
strikers and government have a legitimate case, we are all praying
that that there will be a meeting of minds. The settlement must be
rooted in reality as far as the human needs of civil servants are
concerned, but, at the same time, it should not compromise economic
stability or, in other words, kill the goose that lays the golden
egg.
Most of the established democracies in both the eastern and western
world are constituted in the form of a parliamentary rather than
executive system. In a parliamentary system the President, as the
Head of State, rules, but does not govern. The day-to-day activity
of government is left to a Prime Minister. Such a similar system
prevails in Namibia and Mozambique.
The executive presidency was foreign to our South African tradition.
Before it was first introduced in 1994, South Africa had a President
and a Prime Minister. In a certain sense this tradition continued
under President Mandela who used to candidly tell foreign
dignitaries and friends alike that he was only the de jure President
while the de facto President was then Deputy-President Thabo Mbeki
who presided over most Cabinet meetings and conducted most of the
business of government. I was in the cabinet and know this to be so.
That arrangement created a balancing effect which we all noticed and
now miss.
Unless we take action now, the crisis in which the Presidency is now
engulfed may continue into the future. This is not an issue about
the present or future incumbents, but about the office of President.
This Parliament has the responsibility of addressing present and
foreseeable future problems before our country is damaged further.
I do not presume to have any power to lead this Parliament in any
direction, but I humbly offer my action as a catalyst which takes
the hot potato from the fire for others to eat. This action can no
longer be delayed.
Acting not just as the President of the IFP, but as one of South
Africa's senior leaders, I have tabled today the 17th Constitution
Amendment Bill, which is a Private Member Bill, to amend our
Constitution to separate the Head of State from the Head of
Government so that from the next elections, we may have both a
President and a Prime Minister.
The details of this separation are not new. This schema has been
tried and tested and is in force in the great majority of the
democratic constitutions.
The President would be exercising a balancing role in the
functioning of our institutions and in the dynamics of politics by
operating above politics itself. He or she will represent our
country both in respect of ceremonial functions and, when the
occasion demands, in international affairs. The President will have
the power to appoint the Prime Minister subject to parliamentary
approval. He or she will also have a significant role in making
crucial appointments to offices that ought to be above daily party
politics.
The Prime Minister will serve at the will of the parliamentary
majority.
This will make our government more accountable and strengthen the
centrality, power and relevance of our Parliament. The Prime
Minister will be stronger in carrying out the business of government
both on account of the support of Parliament and the President and
because he or she will have more time since the ceremonial roles and
international relations will be attended to by the President.
I speak as a concerned South African. We have no time left. Like
many other private member Bills, the Bill I have introduced could
lie in the Private Members Committee for two years and lapse at the
end of the legislative session. On the other hand, this Parliament
has repeatedly adopted important and urgent constitutional
amendments in a matter of weeks when it wanted to.
We need an urgent national debate on whether South Africa would be
better served by a President and Prime Minister rather than by a
Presidency which combines both roles. To be relevant, this debate
needs to reach its conclusion soon enough to create a path for the
ongoing political decisions and processes.
I suggest that we all need to step back and look at the problems
confronting us from a different perspective. We must not
underestimate the growing peril and fomenting social upheaval which
I did not need to spell out. We need to show courage which matches
the challenges ahead, if we do not wish to be remembered as those
who failed to act when we had a chance to do so.
Madam Speaker, the IFP supports the Presidency Budget Vote.
I thank you. |