|
BY
MANGOSUTHU BUTHELEZI, MP
MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS AND
PRESIDENT OF THE INKATHA FREEDOM PARTY
Cape Town : February 17, 2003
Madam Speaker; His Excellency
the President, His Excellency the Deputy President, Honourable Leaders of
all political parties represented in this Assembly, Honourable Members.
In his state of the nation address, the President has
portrayed a picture of South Africa which is promising and reassuring. Undoubtedly,
enormous progress has been achieved in a multiplicity of fields and
endeavors undertaken by our Government. Our Government has performed well
across the board of many line functions. Delivery has increased and this
year we are doing better than last year and are set to see next year
improving on today's results. Therefore, there is much call for satisfaction
and comfort.
However, at times such as this, one is to step back
from one's own achievements and focus on the home conflicts and difficulties
and on our immediate backyard, rather than reaching out for distant places,
taking stock of where the country is, and where it is going, in the medium
and long-term.
We have been working hard to produce positive results.
Focused as we are on our job of governing the country, we can take pride in
the outcome of our endeavours. Yet, we must question whether what has been
achieved is good enough and meets our own people's needs and demands as well
as those rising out of our country's long-term interests.
I have a number of concerns which I voice to focus
attention on the work ahead which must now reach out for the proverbial
extra mile. I am not the type of person who recriminates or gratuitously
criticizes, but rather the type who speaks to motivate and stimulate
progress in the right direction. I am concerned and it is my duty to share
my concerns with my Colleagues and with the nation.
My greatest concern is about employment generation.
Employment levels are not rising, even though our economy is doing better.
This means that it is necessary for our economy to do even better and we
should not be satisfied with what has been achieved. For many years you have
heard me making drastic proposals in this Parliament to foster economic
growth beyond its present limits. Today, I do not wish to reiterate what I
have stated over and again, but merely to stress the need to muster the
political will to tackle the economy with much greater courage and
determination. Our Government has adopted stringent fiscal discipline which
means that the State is run properly from a financial viewpoint and conducts
its finances responsibly.
However, that by itself has not been sufficient to
attract foreign investments and broaden our country's economic bases. I also
expressed this concern last year particularly as I said then that we are
lucky to have the best Minister of Finance ever, whose performance is
internationally recognised.
We need to privatize, not to serve political agendas,
but to increase market efficiency. We need to ensure that deregulation
accompanies privatization and that all existing monopolies and cartels,
which reduce economic efficiency and create barriers to market entrance, are
removed. We need to make massive investments in emerging technologies,
especially bio-technology, to ensure that we have a vision of what
"made in South Africa" may mean five, fifteen and twenty-five
years down the road. We need to decide now what our country will be known to
produce in the global village for the next decade, and make investments to
stimulate and support the
relevant industries and attract foreign investments in those fields. We must
also have the courage to introduce maximum flexibility in the labour market,
reduce tax burdens and increase available infrastructure. The formula is
simple to spell out, but hard to implement and we must muster the political
will to do it.
The President's speech dealt at great length with the
major issue of poverty and with the various ways which Government is
employing to reduce the levels of poverty.
I am also concerned about the rising levels of
poverty. I have no doubt that there is much greater poverty today than there
was in 1994. One of the elements which is not sufficiently considered in the
equation employed to measure poverty is the rapid disintegration of the
subsistence economy which existed then. I see this problem throughout the
rural areas of our country.
I come from a rural area and I pride myself on
representing the unheard voice of rural people, who are now becoming the
poorest of the poor. Before 1994 people in our rural areas in South Africa
were able to feed themselves and their families every day because of the
existence of a culture which prompted them to produce their own food. Before
1994, many were keen to promote subsistence agriculture and I, as the Chief
Minister of the erstwhile KwaZulu Government, ensured that my Government did
its best to allow every family to have enough food on the table everyday. We
applaud the decision of Government to extend the Child social grants to the
age of 14 years. But as long as we are unable to feed ourselves this will be
no more than just palliatives.
Malnutrition is now increasing in rural areas. The
progressive disintegration of rural areas spells the downfall of urban areas
and economies as people are forced to migrate towards cities where the local
economies cannot accommodate them and they are bound to join an ever-growing
army of the urban proletariat. This can cause unforeseeable social evils and
instability. We must focus greater attention on rural areas and make it a
priority of our Government to ensure that anyone can grow enough food and
have enough livestock to be able to eat twice a day and have the benefits of
a balanced and healthy diet.
Especially in the dark age of HIV/AIDS, a healthy diet
is essential to support our ailing population. I was disappointed that our
President did not mention HIV/AIDS by name in his State of the Nation
address, which ought to be our main concern. Every day I cannot think of
anything but HIV/AIDS and my conscience is torn to pieces because I know
that we are not doing enough to deal with this issue. Our people are dying,
not by the hundreds or the thousands, but by the tens of thousands. Soon
they will be dying by the hundreds of thousands. As a Minister in Government
I know how much our government is doing to face up to this pandemic. But I
feel that we need to see it as one of the major challenges that we face at
this time. We need to go that extra mile.
We must provide treatment to our HIV infected
population and ensure that our Government has the capacity to utilize
international donor funding made available for this purpose. I do not know
how to express to my Colleagues my sense of horror and frustration in
learning that we, as a Government, might not have the capacity of spending
money which is available for the war against HIV/AIDS. We must thank all
international donors for what they are doing to help South Africa and Africa
in its war against HIV/AIDS. A special word of gratitude should go to the
President of the United States, the Honourable George W. Bush, who committed
US Dollars 1,5 billion to fight HIV/AIDS in Africa. I find it remarkable
that while the United States is involved in the type of conflicts and
concerns now troubling it, it still finds the time and has the care in
making such an enormous amount of money available for the ailing people of
Africa.
It is saddening for me that foreign countries may be
more concerned about the war on HIV/AIDS than some of our own local
representatives. We need to make more of our own money available for the war
on HIV/AIDS and develop the capacity to spend it. It is beyond my
comprehension that the citizens of South Africa including allies of the
ruling party should have to march against their own Government to request
and obtain treatment for HIV/AIDS, which is something that should be
provided in due course as a function of governing and caring for people.
I am also concerned about another scourge which is
killing our people and depriving them of their property, freedom and
security across the country.
This is another enemy which is present and real and
towards which we need to direct the necessary resources. The scourge of
crime has not been cured, in spite of major improvements in the overall
system of policing in our country. Improvement on the side of safety and
security have not been accompanied by equal and sufficient improvements in
the criminal justice system. Too often suspected perpetrators of crime are
apprehended, but not tried and convicted. The criminal justice system has
become the bottleneck of our fight against crime and it becomes increasingly
necessary that one looks at radical reforms to give it a complete overhaul,
to ensure that it can rise up to the challenges confronting it. I am not
understanding the efforts that we are making as government and I speak as a
member of the Inter-Ministerial Committee on Security, which meets weekly
looking for ways and means of measuring up to the scourge of crime, in our
country.
However, also in this respect we should make the
political commitment to divert more resources to direct them towards the
police and the judiciary.
We also need resources to fight both sides of the
equation of crime so that we
do not deal only with law enforcement, but also with education. We need
greater civic education in our schools and communities to make people
understand the importance of the rule of law and to begin giving substance
to the notion of moral regeneration. The first values we need to teach and
propagate are civic values and the importance of abiding by the rule of law.
This requires communities to become agents of
propagation of legality, and to isolate those who become criminals. A
culture of respect for human rights and dignity, must finally permeate all
our families and communities eradicating the scourges of child abuse and
violence against women.
I am concerned that too little has been done for
traditional leaders. The President's indication that matters relating to
traditional leadership will be dealt with by means of provincial legislation
this year may be a grim omen, as it may exclude any resolution of the two
crucial issues relating to traditional leadership; namely local government
powers and the land administration powers of traditional authorities, which
are not provincial competencies. One hopes that the President's words can be
interpreted as a promise that the national legislation will enable
provincial laws also to deal with these two fundamental aspects of
traditional leadership, which are the core of this issue, otherwise the
entire exercise will be futile and a further measure to avoid rather than
solve the problem.
I am also concerned about how we understand and
fulfill our international responsibilities. We cannot separate our
commitment to freedom and democracy at home from how we conduct ourselves
abroad. We should also be more concerned about our own backyard before
assisting tyrants who blackmail the world with weapons of mass destruction
to find a way out of the corner in which they have painted themselves.
Within our continent, people are dying of malnutrition and suffering under
tyrannic regimes which have destroyed what should have been Africa's most
prosperous countries. Across our own borders some people are cursing the
name of South Africa because of our failure to respond to their suffering
and the systematic violation of their rights. We must make it our
responsibility to promote and, if necessary, force democracy and freedom in
our own region, condemning without reservation any human rights abuse, the
breakdown of the rule of law and tyranny taking place beyond our own
boundaries. Silence and inaction are complicity. We have this obligation
facing us even more at this time when our President is the Chairman of the
African Union. Expectations of Africa from us as a country that is perceived
to be leading Africa, are enormous.
The final concern I want to raise is that of
corruption. There are different levels of corruption, and we must have the
courage to look at all of them. I think it is necessary that this year, in
this House, we have a long, full and detailed debate to discuss and
understand what we all mean about black empowerment. We must show a
difference between black empowerment and black enrichment. We must ensure
that black empowerment does not become a generalized licence to skim off the
top of the economic productive cycle to benefit a new class of parasitic
rich people. Black empowerment should be about broadening the economic bases
to bring into their fold those who were previously disadvantaged and
marginalised. Black empowerment should be about strengthening and rewarding
black entrepreneurship, and should aim at enabling the great economic
potential, ingenuity and industriousness of black people. Black empowerment
should not be about funding political parties in a covert fashion, nor about
creating a new coalition of fat cats, which feeds off existing economic
structures, without producing new ones.
I am concerned that our country is confronted with
allegations of corruption and scandals which would rock any established
democracy, and that we are perceived as facing them with indifference and
complacency as if corruption were to be expected from those in power. Unless
corrected, this perceived complacency in the face of corruption will cause
the downfall of our new Republic. We must ensure that each allegation is
investigated and that a culture of bringing "corruptor" and
"corrupted" to book becomes the trademark of South Africa.
I have these and many other concerns. Over and above
all of them, I am concerned about the capacity and willingness of this House
to deal with such concerns. We need to come together as people of goodwill
and representatives of our people, irrespective of political divisions or
allegiances. We need to enhance our critical thinking and question
ourselves. As we sit in this House not only as different Parties but also as
different members, we need to think as individuals, not as herds who
passively follow a leader unquestioningly. We need to continue the process
of our individual and collective liberation in this direction. We need to
ask ourselves whether what has been achieved is indeed good enough. We need
to question whether what we are doing is indeed good for South Africa and
for the long-term interests of our children and grandchildren.
Some decisions might be emotionally rewarding, and may
aptly translate the way we feel about domestic problems, or international
issues, but might not necessarily be what is in the best long-term interests
of our country and our prosperity. They may also not be the real product of
the democratic values we have embraced. We need to develop the type of
leadership which can tackle concerns with a long-term perspective and in
accordance with our democratic values.
We fully support the leadership of our President as
Head of State and as Head of Government.
I am, however, deeply convinced that collegially we
can exercise this type of leadership. For this to be achieved, we need to
have a greater measure of respect for one another and rely more on our
collegial capacity to lead, than on the leadership which any individual may
provide. I state this with all due respect for the leadership of our
President. I somehow feel that suspicions of the past amongst ourselves,
have not quite vanished. To me, as long as our steps are still dogged by
vestiges of past suspicions, we will not be able to exercise the collegial
capacity which is so crucial to us in tacking the intractable problems that
our country faces, successfully.
|