I have come to this region today to thank you for your sterling work and dedication in the IFP's campaign for the general election held on April 14 2004.

To each of our supporters who cast their vote for the IFP, I say thank you. And to every member and activist in the IFP family, to each one of you who campaigned and canvassed for us, I say thank you. Whatever your contribution was, I want you to know how grateful and how proud I am of you.

This election was a watershed moment for both our country and our Party. As you know, the ruling-party gathered just short of seventy percent of the vote, and forged alliances with satellite and dependent parties which enables it to control almost 75% of the votes in Parliament. The ANC is now in power in every province, including KwaZulu-Natal and effectively controls almost 100% of the political power.

Under these conditions, democracy for which we fought so long and so hard is in great peril. We have fought for democracy, not just because we felt that democracy was important in order to guarantee our freedom. We fought for democracy because we know that without democracy there can be no social justice and economic development and progress for the poorest of the poor and the least favored segments of our population. Democracy by itself does not create progress, but without democracy whatever progress one tries to create is bound to fail. We need to look no further than immediately beyond our own border to see how the lack of democracy has produced poverty and underdevelopment, even where there were great promises for prosperity and growth.

We must remain vigilant to ensure that our democracy does not fall prey to what may happen when there is a one-party state and has indeed happened in other African contexts where there is a one-party state. I love my country and I hope that our democracy, prosperity and future may never be adversely affected. However, these things are too important to be left to hopes. We cannot live out of hopes alone, but we need guarantees. Today we have in South Africa what may be characterized as a one-party state, and we need to assess whether our hopes for a better future are indeed in jeopardy. We spent six years negotiating a final Constitution for our country because we all agreed that without an entrenched, unchangeable and supreme constitution, neither democracy nor progress could develop and be guaranteed in South Africa.

However, under the present circumstances the ruling party has an unfettered power to change the Constitution as it wishes. The Constitution is no longer supreme. What is supreme is the will of the ruling party which by will or whim may change the Constitution as it pleases. The ANC has proven its willingness to change the Constitution to feather its own nest, even when the South African people did not wish to have the Constitution changed, as it happened in respect of the crossing of the floor legislation. Our democracy is indeed in peril because many of the checks and balances, which should protect it, are indeed not in place and have already shown their weaknesses.

There is very little separation between the ruling party and the state. In a democracy the state should be dedicated to serving exclusively the needs and aspirations of the citizens. It should not be concerned about serving or pleasing its political masters. However, it is becoming increasingly clear that top-ranking government officials are becoming absorbed within the organization of the ruling party. The present saga which has juxtaposed the Director of Public Prosecution, the Public Protector and the Deputy President has more the features of a family squabble than those of truly independent organs of state, performing their duties under the Constitution without fear or favour. There is a clear perception that certain people are placing themselves above the law or the perception has developed that they are above the law, while other people are fearful of enforcing and applying the law. This is not the type of South Africa for which we have fought so hard and so long. Our liberation struggle was aimed at bringing equality where there was discrimination, and we cannot allow a situation in which the same laws seem to apply differently to different people because of their rank or status.

When the elasticity of democracy in South Africa has been stretched to the limit it has, we must be vigilant in defending our freedom and liberty. Many attempts have been made on our democracy, some of which have been swept under the carpet. A case in point relates to the electoral fraud which took place at the last election and which prompted us to take certain matters to the Electoral Court. We did so because nothing is more important than the freedom and fairness of our elections. Unfortunately, we have not yet had a truly free and fair election for our national and provincial legislatures. The elections of 1994 were filled with irregularities, fraud, violence and intimidation. We all remember how ballot boxes already filled with ballot papers found in several places in KwaZulu Natal. Similarly, we documented electoral frauds which took place in respect of the 1999 elections. Unfortunately, these last elections were no different in this respect.

The majesty of democracy is a splendid ideal. I will never forget how I felt on 27 April 1994, when I first cast my vote. I am sure those of you who voted remember that feeling of elation and joy. The tears, the bloodshed, the bereavement, and the sheer misery and indignity of the years of the struggle were not in vain! In those glorious words of Martin Luther King Junior, we were "free at last." We were free, but we know it came at a great price.

I believe, in this regard, South Africa's still new democracy can be likened to a priceless and fragile vase. Whilst democracy has taken root and evolved in other societies over centuries, it will naturally take time for the habits, ways and practice of democracy to take root here in the hearts and minds of people. It is for that very reason that the conduct of elections must be subject to the most rigorous scrutiny and standards to ensure that they are "free and fair"; otherwise people will not have faith in the democratic process.

It was with genuine sorrow that the IFP felt unable to say the 2004 election was truly 'free and fair'. There were many cases of election irregularities and acts of intimidation, which many of you experienced and saw with your own eyes, which might have robbed the IFP of victory in KwaZulu-Natal. But that's not the crucial point. The Independent Electoral Commission declared the election 'free and fair' even before they had investigated the numerous complaints, which we had lodged in time. And yet is the same Independent Electoral Commission which has admitted before the Court that it took more than 2000 votes belonging to the ACDP and gave them to AZAPO, by mistake..

We were placed in a difficult position. I knew that if we challenged the result, our opponents would say that we were bad losers and we were not prepared to heed the voice of the people. We would be mocked and caricatured unmercifully. At the same time we could not let this injustice stand. We took our case to the Electoral Court. The Electoral Court is a special court that meets to deliberate upon election disputes and, if appropriate, to provide remedy, to put right a wrong or injustice. The Electoral Court is subject to the Electoral Act, which is very precise. The Electoral Court's decisions are based upon narrow legal and technical considerations, not moral arguments. In order to obtain remedy, which in practical terms would have been a fresh election or a redistribution of seats by the IEC, we would have had to prove, beyond a shadow of doubt, that the election irregularities and acts of intimidation had a "material effect" on the election result.

As you can imagine, it is almost impossible to prove this. We were also faced with the dilemma of not wanting our case to overshadow the celebration of our country's first ten years of democracy. We decided that having made our case boldly, not to pursue the case through the legal process. There is always a danger in these matters that the legal arguments begin to cloud and detract from the substantive issues. By doing so we contributed to the spirit of national unity and reconciliation, whilst not conceding the thrust of our argument. We have laid down a marker for future election polls. The issue has been placed in the public domain and I am sure, in due course, the issue will be revisited. By withdrawing our legal case we also left the factual and historical case open for future scholars and researchers to investigate, so that they will be able to gain a better appreciation of the wide ranging scale of fraud which tainted the 2004 elections.

The 2004 election was the beginning of a new cycle of the IFP. By bringing our challenge to the Electoral Court we gave notice of how the IFP must carry forward its politics and performance role in this new cycle. Our role has been forged by history. Because our democracy is in peril and has been weakened in what is now becoming a one-party state, our role is now more important than ever to ensure that we challenge what is wrong. We must become the voice of conscience for South Africa. We have launched and embraced a new role which is the role of a moral and constructive opposition. In exercising this role we must voice the concerns of all South Africans, whenever things go wrong.

We must be the voice not only of our constituency but also of the ANC's own constituency whenever anyone who voted for the ANC sees that the ANC is not fulfilling its electoral mandate, and not meeting the needs and aspirations of our people. Even those who voted for the ANC can only count on us, and they can only count on the IFP, when the ANC fails to deliver. We need to enable our party to become their mouthpiece. We have the credibility and track record necessary to exercise this role. Our democracy requires for the IFP to exercise this role. Without the IFP all those who are disappointed with the ANC's performance would not have a credible and effective way of making their voice heard. We are one of the last effective checks and balances available to protect our democracy. This new role of ours echoes what has been entrenched in the IFP's Constitution for the past ten years, which indicates that the fundamental role of our party is that of standing by what is right, irrespective of convenience and consequences and speaking up and fighting against what is wrong and with no fear or hesitation.

I know that many of you here today are still feeling numb and desperately disappointed by the result which meant, for the first time since 1994, the IFP fell a little short of being able to form a government in KwaZulu-Natal. But let us keep this disappointment in perspective. The result is a setback, yet it is far from a "meltdown" like some sensationalist reporting has suggested. More than a million people, nearly seven percent of the electorate, cast their vote for the IFP and placed their hopes and trust with us, and no one else. And we are by far, the second largest party in the KwaZulu-Natal legislature. We should not focus on our setback, but rather on the more important role which our Party is to play. We need to enable our Party to play this role and bring about internal change and restructuring which is greatly necessary to make this possible.

Undoubtedly our Party needs change internally to be able to perform a new role. Let us draw the right lessons from our bruising setback and look to the future. We need to regain the support and reconnect with those people who this time did not feel able to support us, and broaden our appeal to the wider electorate. We are well placed to renew ourselves and begin the path back to power, if we seize the moment. A gap has opened up in the body politic for a robust and innovative moral and constructive opposition. The time is ripe for the IFP to step forward and assume that role.

The first stage of our recovery and path back to power will be the local government elections, which are only seventeen months away. We must use this time to renew ourselves and to regain the political initiative. The renewal of our Party must be led by the grassroots.

Without you, the grassroots, the IFP quite frankly is nothing. That is true of any political party. As your leader, I need to hear directly your concerns, your aspirations and your ideas for the renewal of our Party. This is the time for the IFP to go to its grassroots. We need to change the Party by empowering its grassroots.

The challenge we face is one that all modern political parties face everywhere: how to most effectively apply our timeless values and principles to the fast changing world in which we live. If the IFP is to capitalize on its position as South Africa's largest black-opposition party with the greatest potential for growth, we must be a lean political fighting machine and relevant. When we make our case, we must know what our message is and buy into it. How can we expect others to believe in us, if we doubt the message ourselves? One of the primary reasons for the erosion of many people's faith, particularly young people, in the political process is they see that too often principles and beliefs are being jettisoned for spin and expedience.

For this reason I want next months Annual General Conference to be one of the most sweeping consultative and listening exercises that we as a Party have ever undertaken. The destiny of our Party and our contribution to the future of our country will depend, to a large extent, on the decisions we take in the months ahead. We must enable our Annual General Conference to give real guidance to our Party. At this point in time it is important that political guidance does not come exclusively from our elected representatives. Our members of Parliament and provincial legislatures must receive guidance from our constituencies and the electorate, if we wish our Party to become increasingly more relevant.

With the best will in the world, I cannot force the pace of change within our Party alone. It is particularly important that our young people come to the Annual General Conference next month and speak candidly about the issues that concern them and their peers. Our public policy and issue-based campaigns must emerge from the real life experiences of our voters - mainly the rural poor - not from trendy think tanks and focus groups. People need to know that we really care about them and their concerns.

We must leave no stone unturned and shy away from no question - no matter how difficult - in our pursuit of being the best alternative to the ANC. I did not come into politics to shout from the sidelines. I came into politics to serve and to make a difference for the better. The IFP was not created to be an applauding or booing spectator. The IFP was established to be a protagonist. The role of the IFP is that of providing leadership. We will rise to this challenge, even if we are not in power. Many people are in power and they are incapable of providing the necessary leadership. The IFP will prove how we can provide leadership and protect democracy in South Africa, even though we are not in power. By so doing we will pave the path for us to go back into power, not for our sake, but for the sake and benefit of our democracy in South Africa.

The one thing I know about the IFP is that there is no shortage of good people. There is no shortage of talent, ideas and intellect in this Party. Our values and principles are right. Let us not lose sight of them. Self-help and self-reliance, strong communities in which the individual can flourish; a vibrant and free economy; respecting traditional values as the best basis to promote change; empowering people to take control over their own lives; a plural and open society, and extended families which take care of the vulnerable. The challenge is to make these principles and values relevant to the world in which we live.

When I was campaigning in Tembisa in the election campaign, after visiting an inspiring HIV/AIDS project called the Good Hope Centre, I used the well-known parable of how deep in the forest a mighty tempest is whipped up by the beating of the butterfly's wings. I repeat again, I hear the sound of the butterfly's wings beating, and it comes from the grassroots of our Party. History rewards the bold and brave. Be strong and of good courage. Our cause is good and just. We will prevail.