This cultural event is a timely reminder to us,
as Zulus, that our culture is at the very centre of our existence. The colour
and drama in such glorious array at this function bears out this truth today.
As a people, we are famed everywhere for our vibrant and spectacular dancing,
some of which we will enjoy today.
One regrets that there is a growing tendency
across the globe to often sacrifice culture in the name of progress and
modernity. I believe, and I am sure you will agree with me, that this is a
mistake. It is right to embrace the benefits of progress and modernity and it
is possible to do so without surrendering our ancient and tested cultural ties.
As the Traditional Prime Minister of the Zulu
Nation, I carry the weighty responsibility of ensuring that our people retain
the best of our traditions whilst benefiting from the fruits of democracy. I
must express the fear today that our Zulu culture is in peril.
It is not imperilled because of democracy in
principle, which I devoted my entire life to attaining. It is in peril because
of how democracy is often practised, with scant regard for consensus seeking
and a community upwards approach, both of which lie at the heart of our African
way of life.
My advice to you today is: Draw upon our shared
cultural values to guide yourselves along democracy's path and ensure that you
derive the most from it.
None of this, of course, is new. The aim of the
movement I lead, Inkatha, has always been to reconcile our cultural and
national aspirations with the basic principles of democracy. In the year of the
30th anniversary of Inkatha, our task is more relevant today than ever. We may
have attained democracy, but our culture and way of life are slipping away.
Whilst our nation was forged in the heat and
blood of the battlefields, our warrior dances today have taken on a somewhat
more ceremonial form. This, however, does not mean that we must not possess the
same warrior spirit which prevailed in King Shaka's time. I mean courage not to
skirt the issues of the day. I do not mean militancy for which the Zulu people
are famous.
This warrior spirit is now transformed into a
spirit of commitment and courage. Although the battlefield has changed, present
day life requires the same strength of character which was once called for in
war. We must be proud of this characteristic of our Zuluness.
We were warriors in war in the past and we
remain warriors today in the great battles of our time. These are for
development and against unemployment, crime, corruption, poverty and HIV/AIDS.
We have learnt on the battlefield that unless we are united in a spirit of
sacrifice and cohesiveness, the enemy cannot be defeated. The same lesson
applies to the enemies now confronting our nation. These are poverty,
unemployment, HIV/AIDS and underdevelopment.
We can defeat these enemies if we knit our
heads, hearts and souls together, in a collegial effort to declare war on these
enemies and do what it takes to defeat them. The spirit of King Shaka still
runs through our veins and quickens our blood as we face and conquer today's
challenges.
When King Shaka laid the foundations of the Zulu
nation in 1818, he did so in the belief that if our nation was to survive and
flourish, it would need to be sustained by the principles of unity and
strength. I believe this truth still resonates as powerfully today.
Yet I am of the view that all our constituent
traditions should be respected and cherished if we are to move forward as one
nation. The celebration of our diverse cultures, such as this one today, will
strengthen our nation, not weaken it. A truly democratic South Africa can only
be achieved by reconciling our need for unity and our quest for diversity.
An even greater challenge than this one faces
our nation today. Without doubt, it is the single biggest challenge of our
time. I am speaking of the HIV/Aids pandemic. In my role as a leader, I am
obliged to speak about it on every public platform, and I do.
We live in an hour, in which young people die
untimely deaths in true Old Testament numbers. The annual death toll due to
HIV/AIDS in this province alone eclipses the numbers lost in the tsunami that
recently struck South East Asia. The Tsunami left an appalling trail of
devastation in its wake, conveyed in moving images around the world. HIV/AIDS
has somehow inserted itself into our lives more surreptitiously. Yet its
effects are all around us.
The harsh reality is that the HIV/AIDS crisis
has created many more victims than the tsunami our society has sustained long
lasting suffering and social costs. However, it has not solicited the same
reaction in the world and from the international community.
We live in a time when parents bury the children
they raised. At present HIV/AIDS has claimed over a million lives, most in
rural areas, like this one. I doubt if there is one person here today whose
life has not been directly, or indirectly, affected by HIV/AIDS. But many of us
are too ashamed to speak about it.
It is therefore right to salute our former
President, Nelson Mandela, who followed me, by speaking out when he told the
country and the world two weeks ago that he had lost his son to HIV/AIDS. As
sad as it is, Madiba's story is not unusual. It is one that is played out in
families and communities daily across our nation.
The HIV/AIDS pandemic affects every person. The
untimely death of Madiba's son reminds us that the HIV/AIDS pandemic affects
every person, irrespective of colour, creed and class. Not only must we go back
to our cultural roots to defeat this disease, I believe our nation desperately
needs a moral reawakening.
I have long been inspired by the story of Uganda
and even more so after my recent visit. This Great Lakes nation is an
undisputed success story in fighting the HIV/AIDS pandemic. Uganda has much
fewer resources to bring forth than South Africa. Yet the Ugandan people, under
the leadership of President Yoweri Museveni, have succeeded in reducing the
rate of the pandemic from 30 percent to 5 percent by returning to traditional
values.
Last year I had the privilege of attending the
Southern African Christian Leadership Conference in Pretoria which was
addressed by Mrs Janet Museveni, wife of President Museveni. She told us that
the Ugandan people have fought the pandemic by returning to the teachings of
the Church and the mores of the African people. She recalled how her husband
told a conference in Italy that if all the Ugandan people have to save them is
a piece of rubber, then they are doomed from the start. Mrs Museveni was, of
course, referring to condoms. Prophylactics are an important part of our fight
against HIV/AIDS, but they are not enough alone. Our nation needs a moral
awakening to complement the ABC programme, if we are to survive. If there are
any of you who do not know, ABC stands for abstinence, be faithful and condoms.
I know from a lifetime conviction and experience
that such an awakening begins in the family and in a community upwards
approach. The AmaKhosi gathered here today have a vital role to play in the
promotion of tradition and culture in their communities to fighting HIV/AIDS. I
exhort AmaKhosi to use their positions to tear down the walls of silence and
stigma in their community.
In fact, the role of AmaKhosi is important
across the spectrum of all our cultural activities. They are the backbone of
what maintains and preserves our Zuluness. I am very concerned about the
efforts which have been made in the past ten years to undermine traditional
leadership. These efforts have been renewed and they are not abating.
The latest of these efforts could be the final
blow to traditional leadership and indeed to the very notion of our Zulu
nation. The provincial government has tabled a Bill, the KwaZulu Natal
Traditional Leadership and Governance Bill, 2004, which will have the practical
effect of disintegrating our nation.
The Bill does not recognise the role of the
traditional leaders exercising the governance of our community. In so doing, it
undermines the very centre of our traditions which places traditional leaders
as the centre through which a community governs itself. Traditional leadership
is what enables a community to have its own government for a variety of things
which affect the community. If the centre of government falls, the community
will need to rely only on external factors, such as municipalities.
More importantly, this Bill's conception and
design completely ignores the very notion of a Zulu nation, a Zulu Monarchy,
and a Zulu Kingdom. There is nothing about these important elements. It brings
the King under the control of the Premier. In a variety of aspects, the King
will be subservient to the Premier. Even in respect of the selection of a new
King, the Premier exercises almost a paramount role. The Premier exercises the
same role in respect of the appointment of new traditional leaders. There is no
doubt that, even though we now have a black government, their practice evokes
the old apartheid style and notions.
It seems that like a big white colonial
administrator, the Premier according to this Bill becomes the paramount chief
of traditional leaders and holds them accountable to him for a variety of
functions. It is almost as if they were a pawn, or element, in the chain of
indirect governance or indirect administration. The Zulu nation must be very
concerned about this Bill because it intends to collapse our nation into the
broader unity of South Africa.
When in 1993 we accepted to enter into a united
South Africa, we made it very clear that we would do so on the basis of the
Zulu nation being respected and protected. We did not consider that there was
only one nation in South Africa.
We recognise South African nationhood and that
there is a South African nation. However, we have indicated, over and again,
that we as Zulus believe that South Africa must be a nation of nations and that
Zulus must recognise the features, characteristics and privileges of
nationhood. Our Monarchy and our Kingdom are the expression of our nationhood.
By denying their existence and their legal recognition, the Government
continues to ignore the very essence of Zulu nationhood.
From today's denial of our Zulu nationhood,
tomorrow will follow the denial of our Zuluness. In a few years, it is likely
that features of our Zuluness will be denied and they will try to foist upon us
a uniform sense of Africanism. We find all this unacceptable. It overturns the
guarantees, which were given to us in 1993 and 1994, when we became part of the
final constitutional settlement which led us from apartheid to democracy.
Since then we have waited for our liberation. We
accepted that our first democratic election of April 4, 1999, would be the door
through which a process would begin for our liberation. We never sought to be
separated from the rest of South Africa. We embraced the unity of South Africa.
However, we sought to have our own Kingdom within the broader parameters of the
unity of South Africa. Instead of April 1994 beginning a process of the
liberation of our nation, it turned out that it began a process of even greater
enslavement. Everything which embodies and represents our nation has been
progressively destroyed, especially in respect of traditional leadership.
Our nation has reached a crucial time where it
really needs to decide whether it wants to take a stand now, with the same
spirit we possessed in the past, or whether if we are ready to let it go and
for it to be lost forever to future generations. We need to ask ourselves
whether our grandchildren and their children's children will identify
themselves as Zulus in the greater unity of South Africa. Or whether we agree
that they will just look at themselves as South Africans, without any memory or
awareness of the values, characteristics and features which made all of us
Zulus today and proud inheritors of the legacy of our fathers and ancestors.
I say that it is our responsibility to preserve
our Zuluness. I say that we have the responsibility to rise again; to make our
voice ring out across the hills and valleys of KwaZulu; to let the rest of
South Africa know that we are Zulus, and we will not let our Zuluness be
destroyed. We entered the constitutional settlement in 1994 on the basis of the
assurance that our nation would be respected. It is clear that that assurance
has been broken. It was broken since the beginning, when the formal and solemn
Agreement for international mediation was dishonoured. Since then, there has
been one breach of promise after the other. Now if this Bill becomes law it
will place our own King under the control of the Premier.
All this remains unacceptable. We must now
ensure that the voice of the Zulu nation is heard. From the hills and valleys
of KwaZulu, we need to make the voice of the Zulu nation rise again to protect
our nationhood. We must make the statement 'KwaZulu is forever'. We preserved
KwaZulu after its defeat by the British colonial power and during the dark ages
of apartheid and racism. We will continue to preserve KwaZulu as an important
component of a united South Africa.
We must keep the protection of our nation very
clear in our mind as we celebrate our culture. Without a nation, there is no
culture to speak of.
It is true that a nation which loses its culture
has lost its soul. But a culture which loses its nation is nothing but a ghost
echoing in the dark, the resonance of a distant, lost and misunderstood past.
Let us therefore celebrate our culture today as part of our broader claim to
never allow our nation to die. We want our political representatives to have
the courage to clearly state that they are Zulus; they represent Zulu
interests, and they are part of the Zulu nation.
We still wait for the Premier of this Province
to assert, affirm, recognise and protect his Zuluness. Our Zuluness is at the
centre core of our culture. Celebrating our culture today is one and the same
as celebrating our Zuluness. I call upon all those who represent the Zulu
people to act as part of the Zulu nation and openly declare themselves as being
the representatives of the Zulu nation.
As we celebrate our culture today, it is clear
that challenges we face as a nation are great and momentous. I would like to
briefly mention one more. Later this year, South Africa will hold its third
Local Government Elections. I exhort everyone here today to prepare in earnest
for these elections. I am concerned at the high levels of voter apathy,
particularly for local government. Low voter turnout may produce ruling
formations which might not adequately express the will of the majority.
Let us not forget how long it took us to bring
about a democratic order that allows majorities to express their will. Let us
not throw away any opportunity to express that will today.
The forthcoming elections will decide how you
will be governed by the tier of government closest to you. This is the time for
people to consider carefully which party has the proven track record of
vigorously defending our nation and its heritage. Which party is the true
custodian of our culture and traditions? Which party promotes these values from
community upwards? My plea to you today is not to be complacent. Go out and
vote! And vote responsibly! Once again, I would like to heartily congratulate
the Department of Arts, Culture and Tourism and AmaKhosi for organising this
festival and for extending their kind invitation to me. I believe that if we
stay true to our culture and best traditions, there is no hardship that we
cannot bear and overcome in 2005.
May God bless you. May God bless South Africa.