MEETING OF AMAKHOSI AND OTHER MEMBERS OF ISO LESIZWE

 
ADDRESS BY MANGOSUTHU BUTHELEZI, MP  
INKOSI OF THE BUTHELEZI CLAN  
CHAIRMAN OF THE HOUSE OF TRADITIONAL LEADERS OF THE KINGDOM OF KWAZULU NATAL  
AND UNDUNANKULU KAZULU

Ulundi : May 22, 1998

The Honourable KwaZulu Natal Minister of Traditional and Environmental Affairs and of Safety and Security, Inkosi N.J. Ngubane; the Honourable the Premier of KwaZulu Natal, Dr B.S. Ngubane; the Honourable KwaZulu Natal Minister of Welfare and Population Development, Prince G.L. Zulu and other Princes and members of the Zulu Royal House; amaKhosi present; the Chairman of Iso Lesizwe, the Honourable Rev. C.J. Mtetwa; other Honourable Ministers of KwaZulu Natal present; the Deputy Chairperson of the National Council of Traditional Leaders and of the House of Traditional Leaders in KwaZulu Natal, Inkosi B.M. Mzimela; members of both the national and the KwaZulu Natal Parliaments; members of Iso Lesizwe present; Indunas, Councillors and other guests present.

I must thank the Minister of Traditional and Environmental Affairs, Inkosi NJ Ngubane for his important role in the organisation and setting up of this meeting.  I felt that it was important for all amaKhosi to come together as amaKhosi as we did on prior occasions when we felt that the destinies of our Nation were at stake.  I have called this meeting because I believe that  we have reached another destiny-determining time in the history of our Nation.  I believe that at this time amaKhosi must come together to seek the guidance of our collegial wisdom to chart the course ahead.

Since the beginning of the history of our Nation, and indeed since time immemorial, the Zulu people have sought the guidance of the collegial wisdom of their elders and of their amaKhosi when faced with crucial decisions.  It is part of our tradition of humility and respect that we realise that our collegial wisdom exceeds any skill, intellectual gift or opinion which any of us may hold individually.  United our Nation musters a strength, a wisdom and a destiny with no equal.  We amaKhosi are the repositories and the custodians of this strength, of this wisdom and of this destiny, and on occasions such as this, we must exercise thighty God endowed Oliver Tambo.

Today I recall how, during the years in which I knew him, I was frequently witness to the eloquence of Oliver Tambo's extraordinary intellect. He had a clear vision and a strong and charismatic personality. It was once remarked, many years ago, that "he had the gift of making everyone feel special."  Yet it was more than this, for O.R. had the gift also of speaking to people in terms which they would both understand and appreciate. His leadership showed itself to be most powerful in his many speeches which he delivered around the world.

Throughout the anguished years of apartheid, through our striving for liberation, O.R. and I maintained close contact. This contact went beyond the many words and intense correspondence which we exchanged. Both when we agreed and when we disagreed, I have always felt that we understood that both of us had a role to play for the sake of South Africa and for the freedom of her people. As we fulfilled that often solitary role we kept in mind one another's efforts in a silent dialogue which never ceased.  I came to know him well and over the years I witnessed his spirit from many aspects not open to the public eye, as often happens during troubled t other respects, that which in the past was a threat has now become an imminent reality ready to impact upon us.

During our many meetings over the past five years we have often remarked how the threats to our Nation are often coming from  within our own midst and are a result of the divisions within our own Nation.  The problems that we are facing now are clearly another demonstration of how so much harm to the Zulu Nation is brought about by members of this very Nation.  How many times has this happened throughout our history?  As amaKhosi, we must ponder on the present situation and draw on our collegial strength to give direction to our Nation to overcome its divisions and find unity.  In order to do so, we must isolate those who are putting their personal ambitions and the petty reasons of their egotistical grandeur ahead of the interests of our Nation.  They must be exposed to all the people of our Nation so that the people may know why they are doing what they are doing and how petty the real reasons are for them to continue doing what they are doing.

As amaKhosi we have achieved a great deal up to this moment. What we have achieved is the result of our collegial wisdom and the inspiration we have received from our great Kings and amaKhosi of the past who played such an important role in our liberation struggle.  AmaKhosi, Kings and members of the Zulu Royal House have always been at the forefront of our liberation struggle since its very inception.  It would not be an over- statement to state that the liberation struggle for us began when the Zulu Nation chose to say "enough is enough" to the provocations and machinations of British Imperialists such as Sir Theophilus Shepstone and Sir Bartle Frere and others.  The Zulu Kings allowed European settlers to live in our midst and they were given land and opportunities without any reservations.    When our hospitality became their domination it was our Nation which challenged the conditions under which European settlers sought to operate in this country.  From these seeds of challenge, our liberation struggle began and has led us to where we are now.

We are all grateful to the Almighty for the political emancipation that our country has so far achieved.  But our liberation struggle is far from being concluded for we are still far from redressing the imbalances of the colonial and racial past and bringing about the realisation of a fully African and yet fully modern State.  The struggle has continued in the past four years even after the first democratic elections, and amaKhosi of the Kingdom of KwaZulu Natal have been in the forefront in marking its direction and keeping up its pace.  We have fought for the recognition of the role of our traditions and of the institution of traditional leadership in all the venues and fora in which they were challenged.

We fought for a truly African and yet truly modern State during the constitutional negotiations at Kempton Park and during the constitutional negotiations which followed our first democratic elections of April 27, 1994.  We fought for the fulfilment of the  solemn promise which called for international mediation to bring about the recognition of our Kingdom and within it the recognition of our indigenous and customary law and the role of traditional leadership within it.  The undertaking that was made in that solemn Agreement to look at all these outstanding issues was not honoured by the President of our country, and he had Zulu encouragement to renege on that solemn Agreement.  As I hinted earlier, Zulus now and then prove to be their own worst enemies, whenever the Nation is faced with any crisis.

We then fought to ensure that the imminent local government revolution would capitalise on the role of traditional leadership  rather than becoming a tool to eliminate traditional leaders. In doing so, traditional leaders of KwaZulu Natal have become the leaders of the new struggle which brings together traditional leaders from all over South Africa and the great masses of people who live in rural areas and who so desperately aspire to social and economic upliftment.  We have tried to act with great restraint in all these matters.  As amaKhosi we were delegated by a Conference similar to this one to see the President to raise  these issues.  It is now history that we were almost snubbed as we almost did not see the President.  But even after seeing him,  that delegation, led by the then Premier of this Province, Dr. F.T. Mdlalose, presented a Memorandum to the President which the President promised to respond to but has not done so up to now.

It is not a new thing that traditional leaders and members of the Royal House are the leaders of our liberation struggle.  The time  has come to take pride in the fact that amaKhosi, Zulu Kings and members of the Royal House have been the backbone of our  liberation struggle and have provided the original inspiration for it.  The liberation struggle began long before the African Native National Congress was initiated in 1912, and was promoted from within our Zulu Nation and by amaKhosi and their Kings. When the African National Congress was formed it received its inspiration and guidance from amaKhosi and members of our Royal House, not only of KwaZulu Natal but also amaKhosi and the Royal Houses of Swaziland, Lesotho and Botswana.

It is significant that at the time of the formation of the African Native National Congress in 1912, one of its main founders, Dr Pixley ka Isaka Seme, who was my uncle, who was married to Princess Phikisile, the King's eldest daughter, asked whether my maternal grandfather and his father-in-law King Dinuzulu, could be the patron of the African Native National Congress.  He unfortunately died in 1913. y seems unstoppable. Low-level criminality has become so pervasive that it is often ignored being overshadowed by the wave of escalating major crimes. The culture of corruption is rampant and mixes with an endemic culture of entitlement in which the difference between right and wrong, private and public, duty and indolence fades away. Indolence, lack of discipline, lack of respect, rebellion, lawlessness and endemic criminality are becoming common features in the life of many communities. Under these conditions effective governance in the right direction becomes impossible. We must promote a culture of discipline, integrity, rigorous work ethic and personal dedication to our families, jobs and communities. Unless we begin a new struggle, a real revolution of goodwill at all levels of society and accept sacrifices, there is no future for any of our nations.

It is incumbent on the head of this or any future government to promote a new culture born out of the values of austerity and discipline. My generation had to fight for half a century to get us where we are, and yet we know that we have but opened the path to stability and prosperity. We must achieve national consensus on the unavoidable limitations of the pace at which we can move along that path. Unless we accept these limitations, we may jeopardise our goals. Undermining even the minimalist GEAR strategy, giving more powers to trade unions, increasing unemployment and confusing 'desirable' with 'affordable' will not lead us to prosperity. On the other hands, remedial programmes such as affirmative action must go ahead full steam if we wish to build consensus, whatever the cost. But of course we need to be careful that affirmative action does not degenerate into apartheid in the reverse. Let us reach national consensus on these harsh truths.

National consensus on a social and economic strategy in which everybody may identify a future stake, will position us to tackle the thorny issue of reconciliation. Looking treconciliation as is a truthful look into our past. We also need to open our eyes to the things which embarrass us. The drain of some of our best brains because of emigration is being followed by the drain of some of our best corporate citizens which under the guise of globalization seek abroad opportunities that they no longer see here. We also cannot ignore that what was perhaps the most important financial centre our ancestral territory.

King Dinuzulu, my mother's father, was incarcerated twice by the British Imperial Authorities.  After the battle of Ndumu in Nongoma, he was charged as a result of which he was sent into exile on the Island of St. Helena, where Napoleon was incarcerated in 1915.  He was exiled with my grandmother and another Queen and with two of his uncles, Prince Ndabuko, the Prince of KwaMinya, the grandfather to Prince Gideon, the Minister of Welfare, together with Prince Shingana.  Two of my mother's brothers, King Solomon ka Dinuzulu and Prince Mshiyeni ka Dinuzulu, were born on the Island of St. Helena, while my grandfather was in exile on that Island.  King Dinuzulu was only allowed to return to the Kingdom on the basis of impossible conditions that were imposed on him.  For example, he was asked to accept that a portion of his Kingdom which they then calle Zululand, would be annexed to a portion that was called Natal. This was in 1897.

As a result of the imposition of the poll tax on the Zulu people in 1905, Inkosi Bambatha Zondi started a rebellion to resist the imposition of the poll tax.  He then brought to the King's residence, Osuthu, his wife, Siyekiwe (uMa-Zuma) and his daughter, Kholekile, to seek some sanctuary for them at the King's place.  By doing this, King Dinuzulu was implicated and he was charged with high treason and given a lifetime imprisonment.  It was only in 1910, when his friend, General Louis Botha, became the first Prime Minister of South Africa, that King Dinuzulu was released from Newcastle prison by Prime Minister Louis Botha.  He was, however, not allowed to return to his home.  He was instead sent into exile to a place called Uitkyk Farm in Middelburg in the then Province of Transvaal where he died in 1913.

In all these struggles amaKhosi, whose descendants are here today, suffered and some paid with their lives.  For example, all of you are aware that the Prime Minister during the reign of King Cetshwayo was my paternal great-grandfather, Mnyamana Buthelezi. He was in addition Commander-in-Chief of all the Zulu forces during the Anglo-Zulu war.  My grandfather, Mkhandumba, and his half brother, Mntumengani, participated in the Battle of Isandlwana on the 22nd of January 1879.  Also other sons of Mnyamana were also present with many sons of amaKhosi whose descendants are here with us today, such as Mvundlana of the Biyela Clan, and many others.  This is a history which is well known to you as Zulus. It is, however, important to recall these events of valour in which our forebears were involved so that we may see the present struggle in its correct context.

When I was a child and as a youngster growing up at KwaDlamahlahla, I saw with my own eyes important Zulu leaders of the ANC calling to get wisdom from the Zulu Kings.  The first President of the ANC, Dr. J.L. Dube and Dr Pixley ka Seme, its founder, worked closely with King Solomon ka Dinuzulu, and after he died and during the interregnum, they worked closely with the Regent, Prince Mshiyeni ka Dinuzulu.  When King Bhekuzulu Nyangayezizwe Cyprian ka Solomon was installed, the leaders of political organisations and the ANC in particular, always consulted him and amaKhosi.  I remember that prominent leaders such as Mr A.W.G. Champion (who worked first as the leader of the ICU and later of the ANC) used to call very often on Prince Mshiyeni ka Dinuzulu and later on King Cyprian.  This went on until Inkosi Albert Lutuli became President of the ANC, first in Natal and later as President-General of the ANC, who consulted closely with both Prince Mshiyeni and later with King Cyprian, and with younger leaders such as Dr. Zami Conco, Mr Jordan K. Ngubane and check Masabalala Yengwa.

There was never a gap similar to the one we now see between the leadership of the ANC here in KwaZulu Natal and amaKhosi and the traditional leadership of KwaZulu Natal.  It is clear today that the leadership of the ANC in KwaZulu Natal are operating to promote the very demise of traditional leadership in this Kingdom of KwaZulu Natal.  This is contrary to the good relations that have existed between traditional leadership and the political leaders in this Province.  I will now proceed to explain why I am saying these things.

It is the role of our generation to overcome these divisions and unify our Nation under a single leadership, inspired by a single  vision and acting with a single collegial mind.  Peace, unity and reconciliation in a framework of social and economic upliftment for all Zulus, especially the poorest of the poor, are the great challenges ahead in our struggle for liberation.  Liberation is still ahead of us, for no-one may deem himself or herself to be liberated for as long as the great majority of our people still suffer under the yoke of poverty, ignorance for lack of education and lack of essential services such as sanitation, roads, health care and housing.  Those who are keeping our Nation divided are delaying the day in which genuine liberation can be achieved. They are forcing our Nation to waste energies and resources in an internal strife when such energies and resources should be used to build our liberation, day by day, effort by effort and community by community.
 

I had to say these things to put in the proper context what I have to report today to the leaders of the Zulu Nation and to our communities.  While the rest of the country seems to be finally recognising the importance of traditional leadership, there are still people within the Zulu Nation who are hell-bent on undermining it.  You will remember that even when our provincial Legislature passed an Act to establish our House of Traditional Leaders, ANC leaders in KwaZulu Natal, headed by Mr Jacob Zuma, challenged the validity of that law.  For three years we were engaged in a litigation which challenged the very existence of our House of Traditional Leaders.  In his action, Mr Jacob Zuma asked the court to declare the establishment of our House of Traditional Leaders null and void.  Had he won his case before the court, we stood the risk in this Province of having no House of Traditional leaders whatsoever.  It was only when it became clear that Mr Zuma had no legal grounds on which to stand to promote such frivolous action, that he decided to withdraw the court action.  He did his best to make sure that the House of Traditional Leaders could not exist, but he and his colleagues in the ANC leadership in KwaZulu Natal failed.

However, the ANC leadership in this Province did not rest even when they saw that they had effectively lost that case.  They  filed another action in court to challenge the validity of the decision taken by our Province to give to all traditional leaders an ex officio position in all Regional Councils with jurisdiction over the area of their traditional communities.  Had they won their action, traditional leaders could no longer have sat as ex officio members in Regional Councils.  They lost their action in the High Court and yet, in their disdain for traditional leadership, they still did not rest.  They appealed against the decision of the High Court and sought for the decision to be reversed by the Appellate Division.  The Appellate Division heard their appeal and rejected it, and they lost again.

I do not know why Mr Jacob Zuma has spent so much effort trying to divide our Nation and to undermine traditional leaders. Unfortunately, his efforts are not isolated and they have found a sympathetic ear in some circles in the central Government which are also opposed to traditional leadership.  As you know, the central Government has finalised a White Paper on Local Government which, if implemented, will effectively deprive traditional leaders of any meaningful role in the governance of their community and will mark the end of the traditional model of societal organisation and of most of the customs and traditions of our Kingdom.  More importantly, if implemented, this White Paper will effectively delay the achievement of our final liberation because it will create such chaos in rural areas that it will hinder rather than foster economic development, social upliftment and the delivery of services.

When the White Paper on Local Government was discussed in the National Cabinet, the Deputy President and Cabinet advised that the issue of the role of amaKhosi should be sorted out first, and they asked the minister of Constitutional Development and Provincial Affairs to refer back the issue for more consultation.

I have heard all sorts of rumours that nothing will be changed in the White Paper on Local Government.  That the position of amaKhosi will remain the same, that is that they will have ex officio status in local Councils without having a right to vote. I have been quite concerned about this.  However, on Wednesday this week, as we walked back to our offices after a Cabinet Committee meeting, the Minister of Provincial Affairs and Constitutional Development, Mr Valli Moosa, told me that his Department was now busy drafting legislation in terms of the White Paper on Local Government. He said that they have to do this as they are quite behind as far as drafting this legislation is concerned.  He told me that the only outstanding issue as far as the White paper on Local Government is concerned, was the role of Traditional Leaders.  He stated that as far as his Department is concerned there is no problem about Traditional Leaders having ex officio status on local Councils.  The Minister, however, stated that his departmental officials are of the firm view that in spite of the legal opinion that was given by our Minister of Traditional Affairs, Inkosi Ngubane, which I tabled in Cabinet, they maintain that Traditional Leaders or amaKhosi can be ex officio members of local Councils but that they cannot vote as the Constitution stands. Minister Valli Moosa mentioned that the Director-General of his Department, Mr Z. Titus, is strongly of this view.  The Minister added that he wonders whether we need to have another discussion on the matter.  I told the Minister that I have nothing more to add to this debate in addition to what I stated in Cabinet when the issue was before Cabinet.  The Minister reminded me that the Cabinet asked us to discuss the matter.  I reminded Minister Moosa that he must also remember that in Cabinet some of the Ministers, including some from KwaZulu Natal (and I mentioned the name of a particular Minister) had stated strongly in Cabinet that if the problem is the Constitution, as far as avoiding conflict on this matter is concerned, then he should consider making an amendment to the Constitution rather than have conflict amongst ourselves.  The Minister admitted that he recalls that the suggestion was made in Cabinet and added that may be it must be looked at in view of the fact that there are amendments that are being made just now to the Constitution.  I do not know at this point in time whether the Minister will really take that direction in view of what he described to me as firm views of his Director-General, Mr Titus, on this matter.

I would like to emphasise that Deputy President Mbeki, and some National Ministers would like to avoid any conflict on this issue in spite of the discussions that I had with the Minister of Provincial Affairs and Constitutional Development which I have just related to you. I really do not know what the final outcome on this issue will be.  But there are unfortunately some amongst the ANC KwaZulu Natal leadership, as distinct from the national leadership of the ANC, who have strong views on amaKhosi's areas and local government. To quote them, they want nothing less than what they call "wall to wall elections."  In other words, the complete obliteration of traditional leadership and traditional communities as we know them.

We have reached this stage in spite of the fact that traditional leaders from all over South Africa came together to oppose the precursor document of this White Paper, the Green Paper on Local Government.  On the 24th of November, 1997 we came together in Johannesburg and expressed our views and positions to the Department of Provincial Affairs, Constitutional Development and Local Government.  In spite of this consultation, which was totally ignored, when the White Paper came out it excluded any possibility of meaningful involvement of traditional leadership in local government.

You will remember that we objected to the Constitution because it does not protect the powers and functions of traditional leadership and does not entrench their role in local government. However, even though such protection and entrenchments do not exist, we felt it possible that the Constitution does not exclude them.  In other words, we hope that even though the Constitution does not require traditional leaders to be protected, at least it does not prohibit it.  We were shocked when the Department of Provincial Affairs and Constitutional Development voiced its position that the Constitution prohibits the preservation of the powers and functions of traditional leaders and the granting to traditional leaders of an ex officio position analogous to the one amaKhosi presently enjoy in our Province.

Therefore, it was very refreshing when my ANC colleague in Cabinet made the statement that if such were the interpretation given by the Department to the Constitution, then perhaps the Constitution ought to be amended.   Executive President Thabo Mbeki also recognised the importance of traditional leadership and supported my statement that the language of the White Paper ought to be amended, at least to keep the door open.  This
attitude by the Deputy President, who is also the President of the ANC and could be the next President of the country, gives me some reason for hope.  By the same token, the openness towards traditional leadership shown by ANC national leaders makes it even more incomprehensible how it is possible that the ANC in KwaZulu Natal could be so much against it, and how Zulu amaKhosi could be challenged by Zulus within this Province.

I must warn, however, that in spite of the small door which my intervention and the intervention of the Deputy Executive President has left open, the White Paper may still spell out the death sentence for traditional leadership.  As it stands, it calls for the abolition of Traditional Authorities and for their replacement by elected amaKhosi and their Kings. When the African National Congress was formed it received its inspiration and guidance from amaKhosi and members of our Royal House, not only of KwaZulu Natal but also amaKhosi and the Royal Houses of Swaziland, Lesotho and Botswana.

It is significant that at the time of the formation of the African Native National Congress in 1912, one of its main founders, Dr Pixley ka Isaka Seme, who was my uncle, who was married to Princess Phikisile, the King's eldest daughter, asked whether my maternal grandfather and his father-in-law King Dinuzulu, could be the patron of the African Native National Congress.  He unfortunately died in 1913. y seems unstoppable. Low-level criminality has become so pervasive that it is often ignored being overshadowed by the wave of escalating major crimes. The culture of corruption is rampant and mixes with an endemic culture of entitlement in which the difference between right and wrong, private and public, duty and indolence fades away. Indolence, lack of discipline, lack of respect, rebellion, lawlessness and endemic criminality are becoming common features in the life of many communities. Under these conditions effective governance in the right direction becomes impossible. We must promote a culture of discipline, integrity, rigorous work ethic and personal dedication to our families, jobs and communities. Unless we begin a new struggle, a real revolution of goodwill at all levels of society and accept sacrifices, there is no future for any of our nations.

It is incumbent on the head of this or any future government to promote a new culture born out of the values of austerity and discipline. My generation had to fight for half a century to get us where we are, and yet we know that we have but opened the path to stability and prosperity. We must achieve national consensus on the unavoidable limitations of the pace at which we can move along that path. Unless we accept these limitations, we may jeopardise our goals. Undermining even the minimalist GEAR strategy, giving more powers to trade unions, increasing unemployment and confusing 'desirable' with 'affordable' will not lead us to prosperity. On the other hands, remedial programmes such as affirmative action must go ahead full steam if we wish to build consensus, whatever the cost. But of course we need to be careful that affirmative action does not degenerate into apartheid in the reverse. Let us reach national consensus on these harsh truths.

National consensus on a social and economic strategy in which everybody may identify a future stake, will position us to tackle the thorny issue of reconciliation. Looking treconciliation as is a truthful look into our past. We also need to open our eyes to the things which embarrass us. The drain of some of our best brains because of emigration is being followed by the drain of some of our best corporate citizens which under the guise of globalization seek abroad opportunities that they no longer see here. We also cannot ignore that what was perhaps the most important financial centre our ancestral territory.

King Dinuzulu, my mother's father, was incarcerated twice by the British Imperial Authorities.  After the battle of Ndumu in Nongoma, he was charged as a result of which he was sent into exile on the Island of St. Helena, where Napoleon was incarcerated in 1915.  He was exiled with my grandmother and another Queen and with two of his uncles, Prince Ndabuko, the Prince of KwaMinya, the grandfather to Prince Gideon, the Minister of Welfare, together with Prince Shingana.  Two of my mother's brothers, King Solomon ka Dinuzulu and Prince Mshiyeni ka Dinuzulu, were born on the Island of St. Helena, while my grandfather was in exile on that Island.  King Dinuzulu was only allowed to return to the Kingdom on the basis of impossible conditions that were imposed on him.  For example, he was asked to accept that a portion of his Kingdom which they then calle Zululand, would be annexed to a portion that was called Natal. This was in 1897.

As a result of the imposition of the poll tax on the Zulu people in 1905, Inkosi Bambatha Zondi started a rebellion to resist the imposition of the poll tax.  He then brought to the King's residence, Osuthu, his wife, Siyekiwe (uMa-Zuma) and his daughter, Kholekile, to seek some sanctuary for them at the King's place.  By doing this, King Dinuzulu was implicated and he was charged with high treason and given a lifetime imprisonment.  It was only in 1910, when his friend, General Louis Botha, became the first Prime Minister of South Africa, that King Dinuzulu was released from Newcastle prison by Prime Minister Louis Botha.  He was, however, not allowed to return to his home.  He was instead sent into exile to a place called Uitkyk Farm in Middelburg in the then Province of Transvaal where he died in 1913.

In all these struggles amaKhosi, whose descendants are here today, suffered and some paid with their lives.  For example, all of you are aware that the Prime Minister during the reign of King Cetshwayo was my paternal great-grandfather, Mnyamana Buthelezi. He was in addition Commander-in-Chief of all the Zulu forces during the Anglo-Zulu war.  My grandfather, Mkhandumba, and his half brother, Mntumengani, participated in the Battle of Isandlwana on the 22nd of January 1879.  Also other sons of Mnyamana were also present with many sons of amaKhosi whose descendants are here with us today, such as Mvundlana of the Biyela Clan, and many others.  This is a history which is well known to you as Zulus. It is, however, important to recall these events of valour in which our forebears were involved so that we may see the present struggle in its correct context.

When I was a child and as a youngster growing up at KwaDlamahlahla, I saw with my own eyes important Zulu leaders of the ANC calling to get wisdom from the Zulu Kings.  The first President of the ANC, Dr. J.L. Dube and Dr Pixley ka Seme, its founder, worked closely with King Solomon ka Dinuzulu, and after he died and during the interregnum, they worked closely with the Regent, Prince Mshiyeni ka Dinuzulu.  When King Bhekuzulu Nyangayezizwe Cyprian ka Solomon was installed, the leaders of political organisations and the ANC in particular, always consulted him and amaKhosi.  I remember that prominent leaders such as Mr A.W.G. Champion (who worked first as the leader of the ICU and later of the ANC) used to call very often on Prince Mshiyeni ka Dinuzulu and later on King Cyprian.  This went on until Inkosi Albert Lutuli became President of the ANC, first in Natal and later as President-General of the ANC, who consulted closely with both Prince Mshiyeni and later with King Cyprian, and with younger leaders such as Dr. Zami Conco, Mr Jordan K. Ngubane and check Masabalala Yengwa.

There was never a gap similar to the one we now see between the leadership of the ANC here in KwaZulu Natal and amaKhosi and the traditional leadership of KwaZulu Natal.  It is clear today that the leadership of the ANC in KwaZulu Natal are operating to promote the very demise of traditional leadership in this Kingdom of KwaZulu Natal.  This is contrary to the