As the Presidency's vote comes the day we celebrate
Africa Day, the day on which the Organisation for African Union was
created, it is inevitable that we remember the role which the OAU played
in the liberation of most African countries and of Southern Africa in
particular.
I wish to congratulate the President for the role
that he has played in the Continent since the emancipation of South
Africa, and for the role that he has played in the development of the new
partnership for Africa's development.
As I have often said in response to the President's
State of the Nation address, there is a lot that we have achieved in the
development of our people in the last eleven years. And yet, while we can
rightly be proud of these efforts, there is again the imagery of whether
the glass is half full, or half empty.
The reactions we see in different parts of our
country reflect the fact that our people can no longer tolerate lack of
real delivery in respect of employment, housing, health care and
protection against crime and corruption.
Having repeatedly lauded what are our own
achievements, I must within the limited time now consider our
under-achievements, so that we can concentrate on doing something about
our shortcomings.
We must therefore now focus exclusively on these
shortcomings because they are killing our nation and are not mitigated by
whatever else is achieved in any other field. We have come from a long
history of suffering and now face the price and humiliation of
self-inflicted injuries. There are tight limits to what a government can
do through its actions to improve on the conditions of its citizens. Yet,
there seems to be almost no attention given to the damages government's
inaction and bad policies can cause to any given nation. Let us therefore
look at ourselves as a nation.
No one in South Africa is safe. Anyone I know has
been a victim of crime, or lives in terror of becoming one. In all our
urban centres and residential areas alike, the state has abdicated from
its fundamental duty of protecting lives and property and this function
has been assumed by private security companies. The state and the ruling
government are perceived as morally bankrupt because of their failure to
provide to the most fundamental function of government, which is that of
protecting lives and property. While we are playing a plausible role in
peace-keeping operations on the continent, our own citizens are not safe.
With sufficient resources allocated to it, crime is a problem which can be
easily resolved if one has the political will. But there does not seem to
be any.
During each response I have made in the State of the
Nation address I have repeatedly expressed my concern about the breakdown
in our criminal justice system. On the 15th of February this year, in my
response to the President's State of the Nation address, I mentioned that
I was concerned about the activities of certain individuals in KwaZulu
Natal, whom I mentioned.
One of my colleagues in this House, the Honourable
Dr Cwele, took exception to my mentioning the name of Sputla Mpungose and
his companion. The Honourable Dr Cwele took me to task for tarnishing the
image of his fellow ANC members without any justification. And yet, that
person, Sputla Mpungose is appearing in Court this very week facing
charges ranging from rape to multiple murders.
One allegation involves the shooting of a victim of
the rape, her mother and another child who was in the room, ostensibly to
prevent the matter proceeding in Court. And yet, this man and his
colleague had been hobnobbing with the Minister of Safety and Security in
KwaZulu, other members of the Executive Council and very important members
of our community. I thank the President for responding to my intervention
in this Parliament by writing to me. The President informed me that he has
asked the Premier of KwaZulu Natal to appoint a Commission. I thanked the
President but pointed out, with due respect, that it did not seem right to
delegate the appointment of a Commission to the Premier, since the
Province and the Premier do not have the line function of policing.
I also expressed the hope that the Commission should
not be a repeat performance of the TRC, as we are concerned about what is
going on just now, when people are murdered and nothing happens. No
arrests or prosecutions take place. And, to my surprise, even one of the
participants in the TRC has been appointed by the Premier as a
Commissioner.
Almost half of our population is unemployed or
underemployed. As I have predicted from this podium for the past ten
years, all ANC's employment generation programmes have not achieved much.
Unemployment has in fact risen. There is no worse social evil than
unemployment for it is the root cause of all others. Even COSATU has
threatened mass action on unemployment.
Yet, the ANC government has stubbornly refused to
take the aggressive measures to promote accelerated economic growth, which
I, my Party, other parties in this House and many economists have
constantly identified. They range from privatisation to maximum
flexibility in the labour market and full deregulation of all our market
forces to break existing monopolies and cartels. Economic protectionism
has failed in this country as in any other which has tried it. I remember
as a former member of the President's Cabinet how COSATU and the SACP
threatened rolling mass action when Cabinet decided to do something about
some of our rigid labour laws. It is some of these laws which are
constraining would-be investors from coming here.
I have also proposed concrete initiatives, such as
the green revolution, to make South Africa the bread and fruit basket of
the world and the development of a long-term strategy to build us an
industrial basis enabling our country to bring its own products to the
global markets in the decades to come.
I suggested investing in training and in emerging
technologies, such as biotechnology, identifying now the products for
which South Africa is to be known in twenty years. Yet, not only has none
of this been done, but we are blindly failing to acknowledge the
bankruptcy of our training efforts, which are costing our country the
extraordinary cost of one percent of our national payroll with little
results.
Policy failures of this nature should discredit the
legitimacy of any government to continue to rule a country like ours. Yet,
such failures grow pale before the extraordinary policy disaster of
HIV/AIDS and the fight against corruption. Hundreds of thousands of our
people have died and continue to die unnecessarily because of bad
government policies. I thank the Director-General, Reverend Frank Chikane,
for sending me information on what is being done on behalf of the
President.
The machinery of government covering the three tiers
of government is disintegrating under endemic corruption affecting all its
spheres and branches. Let us face up to the harsh reality. We have seen
throughout Africa sound administrations built during the colonial period
disintegrating after liberation because of corruption and inefficiency.
We thought that this would not happen here because
we felt that we are different. However, not just by feeling differently
does one prevent evils of this nature. We must act differently and
demonstrate zero tolerance for each act of corruption or inefficiency,
irrespective of whoever is involved in it. This is not happening at the
rate commensurate with the scale of corruption at all levels. This
involves members of all parties.
Let us talk frankly to one another. Grand scale
looting and personal enrichment are taking place all around us while
inefficiency is mounting. Basic functions like answering telephones are
not performed in most government offices, or even in our State-owned
telephone company or airline, which one may verify when attempting to make
a travel reservation or telephone enquiry. Yet, every year the top
managers of departments perform the empty ritual of retreating for a week
in luxurious seclusion to formulate strategic plans, which either look all
the same or remain unfulfilled.
The fiscal picture of our State is sound. The vessel
is seaworthy but is unfortunately moving nowhere. We need more than merely
balancing our State's books when, as an enterprise, this government of
ours has not produced enough and does not deliver. We have seen our people
demanding houses which they were promised for the past ten years. Yet, at
parity of expenditure, through inefficiency, waste and corruption, this
government is delivering less and less houses than ever before. While we
all admire the policies of the Minister of Housing, the truth is that we
have so far not been able to cope with the demands of our people for
housing. It is not just me saying this to score political points as an
opposition leader, but what is going on here in the Western Cape
concerning housing, at present speaks volumes.
On the one side of the ledger, hundreds of
thousands, if not millions, our people are suffering increasingly more. On
the other side of the ledger, a small number of people are becoming richer
and richer, not through work but through corruption and programmes of fast
enrichment. We must correct this imbalance and we would like to see the
Presidency focusing more on doing so.
For this reason, I remain committed to our
opposition role and will continue to challenge government on these issues
and praise government where it has done well. South Africa needs the hope
of a democratic alternative and a better future. Every effort must be made
to challenge the ANC at the forthcoming local government elections to
bring to our country progress and development and to save our betrayed
democratic revolution.