INAUGURATION OF IFP BRANCHES IN SOWETO ADDRESS BY
MANGOSUTHU BUTHELEZI, MP PRESIDENT OF THE INKATHA FREEDOM PARTY
AND MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS ADDRESS BY
MANGOSUTHU BUTHELEZI, MP PRESIDENT OF THE INKATHA FREEDOM PARTY
AND MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS

Jabulani Amphitheatre, Soweto : May 31, 1998

The Master of Ceremonies; the National Chairman of the IFP, Dr. B.S. Ngubane, amaKhosi present; members of the National Council; members of Parliament and members of the provincial Legislatures present; leaders of the IFP provincial and regional committees of Gauteng; ladies and gentlemen. I take great joy in this day.  It is for me a pleasure to be once again among the community of Soweto, and the community from other parts of Gauteng. I have been in Soweto many times over the past forty years.  I know that in Soweto I am among brothers and sisters and I am grateful for the opportunity to continue the ongoing dialogue with the people of Gauteng and those of Soweto, and from our Coloured townships in particular.  For decades the people of Soweto have shared this dialogue with me and now are perhaps in a better position to assess how the IFP was right, over and over again.  You will recall that in March 1976 here in Soweto, I warned the National Party Government that the imposition of Afrikaans in schools would trigger a crisis in South Africa.  You will all recall that in the 80's, I was Chairman of the South African Black Alliance which included Coloured members of the Labour Party, the Reform Party from the Indian community, and also the Dikwakwentla Party of QwaQwa.

The people of Soweto also heard me saying things which at the time sounded controversial and found opposition but which by now I trust should be clear to everyone.  In fact, the IFP has been vindicated in respect of the many positions we took throughout our history even when it was easy to criticise us. You know that I opposed the decision taken by the ANC in exile to change the direction which was originally chosen for our liberation movement and to adopt the strategy of the armed struggle.  I knew that the armed struggle would not achieve its purpose because it was not possible to avoid the need for negotiations with the then ruling National Party Government. In the end we all ended up negotiating for over five years, as I predicted.  I insisted that our negotiations would only take place after the release of President Mandela, Mr Zephaniah Mothopeng of the PAC, and other imprisoned leaders, and when those in exile, such as Dr. Oliver Tambo, were allowed to return.

I knew that the armed struggle would leave behind a legacy of violence, lack of respect for human rights, rebellion, lack of discipline and criminality, which are the very evils which are now undermining the moral fibre of our society.  At the time, I was criticised and vilified by those who were assuming that the majority of black South Africans wanted the armed struggle. Today I am still convinced that the majority of black South Africans did not want to have the armed struggle and do not want to have to now live with its present-day legacy of rebellion, criminality and lack of social discipline.

At the time of this campaign, I often stated that the most honourable thing to do for those who believed that black South Africa supported the armed struggle, was to start by sending their own children first out of the country before recruiting other people's children to join the liberation army.  I went further and stated at this very stadium that I do not say that those who wish to join the liberation army should not go and join it.  I even stated here at Jabulani Amphitheatre that the borders of South Africa are too wide to be well-guarded;  that those who wish to join the liberation army should do so, and that they can easily go through the fences on our borders, but that they must only make sure that their clothing does not get torn as they cross the fence.  As a result of my saying this, Minister Piet Koornhof approached me and stated that the President and members of Cabinet were very upset because I was encouraging black youth to cross our borders to join uMkhonto weSizwe.  I often stated that I could understand that it was the intransigence of the regime that forced the ANC to take the route of the so-called "armed struggle." But I still stated that only a representative National Convention which represented all the elements in conflict, would map out a way forward and achieve political emancipation for us. I also sometimes came here on his birthdays.

I also disagreed with the ANC when it advocated a campaign of sanctions and disinvestment against South Africa.  I therefore came here and at every rally I asked tens of thousands of people who were here for my rallies whether they supported the campaign for sanctions and disinvestment and a loud "NO" reverberated throughout this stadium.  My argument against sanctions and disinvestment was that sanctions would hit hardest the very poorest of the poor who were the very victims of apartheid.

I think that history has proven the IFP right also in this respect.  South Africa has suffered because the IFP was not sufficiently heard.  Apartheid did not suffer as much because of sanctions and disinvestment, as the most affluent sections of our economy managed to reorganise themselves and prosper in a regime of economic isolation and protectionism.  We are now struggling with the aftermath of sanctions and disinvestment, for our young people are now coming with a politically emancipated South Africa in which joblessness is the order of the day. Some cynics amongst the employed are saying that our freedom means that they are free to starve.

The poorest of the poor and small businesses suffered and to this day we are suffering the economic consequences of sanctions and disinvestment.  Had we not asked major foreign investors to leave and disinvest from South Africa, we would not now be begging them to come back.  Had we not called for international sanctions, we would not now be living with the legacy of an economic system in which big business has stifled our economic growth because of the lack of international competition and the restructuring of our economy on the basis of large internal monopolies and cartels.  Had the IFP been heard when we opposed sanctions and disinvestment, today we would have a stronger economy and more jobs.

It was easy for people abroad to call for sanctions against their own country, but for me it was impossible. I was on the frontline of the battle for delivery.  Let us make no mistake, I have grown up amongst the poorest of the poor and most of the members of my own communities are still living below the breadline. I have always felt that my primary responsibility is to ensure the welfare of the poorest of the poor and promote the delivery by government of necessary services such as housing, health care and education.  For me, the issue of delivery did not become fashionable only two years ago. Delivery to the people has been my life-long concern.  For this reason I could not accept the ANC's slogan of "liberation now, education later" which led to the disruption of the black education system, creating what then became known as "the lost generation."

My belief at the time was encapsulated in a slogan which still expresses the way that the IFP feels about the future.  The slogan was "education for liberation."  Twenty years ago, we did not develop our slogans nor our policies merely to accommodate the transient needs of the present, but we did so on the basis of principles and looking towards the future. Twenty years ago, fifteen years ago, ten years ago, five years ago and to this day, yesterday as today, the IFP always cares about the present whilst looking into the future.  For this reason, the slogan of "liberation for education" is still valid today for all those who are still struggling under the enslavement of ignorance for lack of education, poverty and unemployment.  Those of you who are studying in our schools, our Universities and in our tertiary institutions, are in a real struggle for our ultimate and true liberation which we have not yet achieved.

The IFP always stood for delivery and for service to the people.  We never sought power merely for the sake of power. For us, power is service and dedication.  We never fought our struggle to empower only a small clique of politicians but to deliver to the people.  Even during our constitutional negotiations, when we advocated a federal system, we knew that in the final analysis what was at stake was the welfare of the people and the delivery of houses, job opportunities, police services, law and order, hospitals and schools.  We knew that a unitary system governed from Cape Town could not work in South Africa and that centralisation would become the grave of delivery.  Today, delivery is being suffocated by a centralised system of government which has prevented provinces such as Gauteng from seeking their own solutions to the problems confronting the people of Gauteng and developing its own strategies to deliver services to them.

When I spoke this language even during CODESA and during constitutional negotiations, I was accused of suggesting the fragmentation of South Africa.  This was, of course, a deliberate distortion of what I and the IFP stood for. Throughout my life, I have always stood for one South Africa. In fact, when President de Klerk appeared with a National Party delegation at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, he told Archbishop Tutu and members of his Commission, that it was my rejection of independence a' la Pretoria, which forced them to abandon grand apartheid and turn to negotiations.  I rejected independence for "KwaZulu" that Pretoria was dangling in front of me and the Zulu people.  Even when I was told that there was a possibility of offering me the whole of KwaZulu Natal as it stands today, I rejected the notion of "independence" under the grandiose apartheid scheme. So it was just cheap propaganda by my political opponents in which the media joined, that I wanted KwaZulu Natal to secede from the rest of South Africa.  I stated that I thought it would be good for South Africa if we went the American route or the German route or the Canadian or Australian route and became a federal state.

This voice was stifled and we were promised by none other than President Mandela himself when we signed a solemn Agreement with him and the then President de Klerk, that the IFP would go into the elections on the understanding that these outstanding issues would be gone into as soon as possible after the 1994 elections. That Agreement was not honoured by the President.  Unless there is real devolution of powers to Provinces, there will never be any real delivery by Provinces - thus the vicious circle in which we find ourselves in all the Provinces.

Indeed, the central Government's departments have become more part of the problem than part of the solution, and could be likened to tombstones which mark the graves of our delivery efforts. The Department of Education is a tombstone which marks the grave of our dream that all our children will receive a decent and equal education.  The Department of Labour is a tombstone which marks the grave of the real possibility of finding a job for the young people of this country. The Department of Safety and Security is a tombstone that marks the grave of law and order in our country.  The IFP has always said that these powers must be transferred to Provinces and that the massive administrative and financial resources concentrated in Pretoria and Cape Town must be devolved to each Province, with taxing powers for Provinces.

Too much money is spent on the top and too little is reaching down to the people.  Almost 80% of the money appropriated by Government is spent by government on government, merely to run itself.  I say this as part of Government and I know what I am talking about.  Only about 10% of our public expenditure translates into actual goods and services which are enjoyed by the people.  Under these conditions, the present system of government cannot deliver and will not deliver.  We knew this truth when we began the process of negotiation.  For this reason, we could not accept a constitutional arrangement which effectively hamstrung Provinces and rejected our federal proposals.  Unfortunately for South Africa, also in this respect, history has proven us right.

All Provinces, irrespective of their political allegiances, are now realising that the present system cannot work unless the power of policy formulation and the primary responsibility for the governance of the country is devolved downwards, from the central to the provincial government.  Across South Africa people are realising that supporting the IFP means to support one's own Province.  A vote for the IFP is a vote to empower the people to empower their own Province to take charge of their destinies and to provide schools, hospitals, job opportunities, houses and police services to their communities.  The ANC has failed to fulfil the extravagant promises which were irresponsibly made before elections.  They knew, or should have known, that no centralised government could deliver on those promises.  It was wrong to try to deceive the people, even when the truth was a painful one.

Throughout my life I have often not been popular and opened myself to severe criticism because I have always told the people the truth.  For instance, I have always stressed that the struggle for social and economic liberation of the great majority of South Africans who are still suffering under the yoke of poverty and unemployment, is still long and arduous. The IFP is not promising that we can deliver the many houses, job opportunities, schools and hospitals which the people need.  We are only promising that we will fight to the last to promote a federal system of governance in which the people of each Province can work hard for themselves and by themselves to deliver to themselves what they need.  We promise a system of government which empowers people to take charge of their destinies because we believe that if we bring the power of maintaining law and order to community level, the fight against crime can be won.

When I speak about self-help and self-reliance and about the greater delivery capacity of a system of government based on devolution, I do not speak from a standpoint of theory, but against a background of more than 20 years of practical experience in government.  Because of my rejection of apartheid and my constant defiance of the system, when I was the Chief Minister of the erstwhile KwaZulu Government, our government was the most underfunded in the country.  I had to provide for the people, in spite of the budgetary shortfalls. During that hard experience, we learned that no government can succeed if it does not empower the people to deliver to themselves and by themselves.  I discovered then that communities do not squander money, efforts or resources, when it comes down to building, maintaining and operating their own schools, their own hospitals, their own police stations and their own roads.

The IFP's philosophy of self-help and self-reliance is the basis of our vision of federalism and devolution of power and stems out of our belief that giving power to the people enables them to grow and prosper.  We do not believe that South Africa can succeed if it needs to be pulled up from the top.  South Africa can succeed only if it is pushed up from the bottom and its success relies on the social, economic and personal growth of each of its communities and of each of us. The IFP has held this vision since the time of its inception, and we stood firm to defend our vision because we have had the interests of South Africa at heart.  In the past, I have often come to Soweto to speak of this vision but the situation has frequently been such that we were not often heard.  For instance, people did not realise the connection between our federalist struggle and the fundamental bread and butter issues labouring their communities. Therefore, I am enthusiastic that today's events shall add to the growing relationship of understanding and support between the people of Gauteng and the IFP.

There is little doubt that the relationship between this community and the IFP is expanding.  Today we are witnessing the inauguration of various new branches of the IFP in this area and my heart leaps to see the dynamic energy of IFP supporters in this project.  Through their tremendous effort, the message of the IFP is finding its way increasingly into more people's hearts.  It is truly a pleasure to hear how the people of Gauteng across all race groups are beginning to speak of the IFP in the words which they have heard from the IFP.  We need to speak of the IFP wherever we go in order that the message of hope spreads throughout South Africa.

For too long the image of the IFP has suffered under malicious campaigns of vilification.  I have been vilified and my Party has been vilified.  For almost twenty years most of the media dedicated its efforts to painting the IFP in colours of obscurity, misrepresenting what we stand for and forging blatant lies against our cause.  Adding to the confusion of the last elections, the IFP joined the electoral process a mere seven days prior to the day of elections in 1994.  Under these circumstances, we were incapable of organising an effective electoral campaign for the country's first democratic elections.  Neither did the people have the opportunity to hear why we withheld our participation from the process for so long, or why we conceded to join at the point which we did.  Many people suffered the detriment of not having direct access to the facts about the IFP.  Many more suffered because the facts they did receive were misconstructions of the truth and often even ridiculous fabrications and sheer blatant lies.

This time around the IFP will not be muzzled.  Although the campaign of vilification against me has receded to the nether regions of the media mind, I am still often not being heard when I speak in Parliament or when I table our objections in Cabinet or in Parliament.  Journalists have taken to reporting what every pipsqueak has to say about the IFP, rather than quoting the statements I repeatedly make on IFP policy. Therefore, some people remain confused as to what the IFP's position is on several issues.  We are hardly reported and the SABC does not screen any of my meetings.  I have come here myself today so that you may hear from the leader of the IFP what the IFP can do for you.  I want you to hear what I tell you so that no one can fool you about the strength of the IFP and its power to change the poor conditions in South Africa.

The elections of 1999 are far too important for us to misunderstand one another.  These elections are less than a year away and we must begin preparing for them.  I have come here today also to listen to what the people of Soweto have to say.  I believe that the voices of Soweto carry grievances against the present situation.  I understand that after our first democratic elections we have been sadly disappointed as one by one, the hopes of a nation crumbled under the slow- turning wheel of service delivery.  South Africa needs a leadership which listens to the people and takes their needs to heart.  We need a leadership which has the experience to know how to effect positive change.  This is what I understand by democracy, that every voice must be heard.  Today I am listening to your voices because I believe that you have something very important to say. I have in Parliament conceded that there are many things which the GNU has done for some of the people of South Africa. But what we have done has not been enough.

I wish to impress upon you the value of casting your vote in the coming elections.  For decades we struggled for full political franchise.  Throughout the struggle for liberation we suffered side by side in order that we could achieve the goal which was finally ours on April 27, 1994.  In 1999 we will once again be given the opportunity to exercise our right to vote.  But this time we must use our vote to send a message to government.  People must realise that the ballot paper they mark is a message that each voter sends to Government.  It is a private letter written in total anonymity and total secrecy in which each of us needs to tell government whether they are happy with what is happening and if they want more of the same for the following five years or, whether instead, they are demanding a change for the better.  Our vote must express every concern we carry.  Our vote must demand a better country with increased opportunities.

Time and again, I am hearing that the people want a strong and tested leadership.  South Africans are beginning to feel the need for a leadership which can take this country in hand and shake it up.  Like a handful of wheat, the no-good husks must be blown away by the wind leaving a smaller, better and more wholesome body.  South Africa needs strong and tested leadership.  It needs a leadership tested in the struggle and in Government, and a leadership with a track record of commitment to the most disadvantaged segments of our population.  The policies of my Party have stood the test of time.  The IFP has consistently predicted the shortcomings and pitfalls of our country's situation, but has often not been heard.  Each time we have offered effective solutions and yet we have been ignored and silenced.  It is now the time for the people to make the IFP heard, and for the people to be heard through the voice of the IFP.

South Africa can no longer afford to ignore the voice of the IFP.  People need to know what the IFP stands for.  This community is beginning to understand the message of the IFP, and everywhere that it is heard, eyes are being opened to the value of our tried and tested policies.  The principles which the IFP advocates are principles which are in practice in various places throughout the world and emanate out of our experience of government and our African soul.  We are committed to establishing a truly modern and yet truly African State.  We know where we come from and we have never ignored, denied or rejected our African roots, and we know where the country must go towards in order to achieve the degree of prosperity and modernity which our dreams deserve.  We are the bastion of freedom and the only party in Parliament which proudly carries an African concept as well as in its name. In the Constitution of the 1975 Inkatha, we embraced the idea of uBuntu-Botho long before that was fashionable in South Africa.

We are fighting for true freedom for all, which to us means each community can be free in its own way and on the basis of its own choices.  We do not believe that true freedom can be likened to a one-style suit to be worn by everyone, irrespective of their stature, size and personal preferences. The IFP believes that a centralised system of government remains unworkable in South Africa where we have 11 official languages, several different racial groupings, a plethora of cultures, religions and beliefs and nine Provinces to house this diversity.  There is no manner in which one can level down into uniformity this vast variety.  Any attempt to do so would be tantamount to mass cultural genocide and we would irretrievably lose our identity for the sake of a misguided notion of "unity."

For as long as our so-called rainbow nation has been fed the idea of unity while quietly suffering the tensions of seeking to maintain separate identities, the IFP has been advocating "unity in diversity."  We are a proud people in South Africa, proud of who we are, and where we come from.  No national leadership should ask us to deny this pride for the sake of a false patriotism.  There is no need to sacrifice this pride. Indeed, we ought to cultivate our traditions, beliefs and our cultures in order that we may enrich one another.  We are a rich Nation because of our cultures.  Our diversity as a Nation is in fact the very strength of our Nation.  Our various cultures must blossom and not be stifled or ignored.

I believe that we all want South Africa to grow and prosper, but there are two ways of attempting this ambition; the wrong way and the right way.  The right way is the way of pluralism, federalism, a free market economy, initiative, morality, hard work, discipline, self-help and self-reliance.  This is the way of the IFP.  The wrong way has been taught for too long and its results are there for all to see and assess.  Let us choose the right way, the IFP way.

I believe that the principles of the IFP are the very same principles of all people of goodwill who seek with us to bring about the re-foundation of the country on solid grounds of morality, commitment, dedication, law and order and work ethic.  This might not be a popular statement to make, but I trust it to be a true one: there is no other way for our country to achieve economic prosperity and social stability than through social order, discipline and personal dedication to our families, our communities and our jobs.  We must work hard to be better, from the ground up.  We must accept that we must put into our lives more than we expect to take out of them.  This is the time to build with the sweat and efforts of goodwill.  This is not yet the time to reap the fruits of our investments.  It has been one of my greatest concerns that there is a growing culture of entitlement and indolence which hinders our economic development. Each of us can make a change and we cannot allow ourselves to sit back and say "there is nothing that I can do."  The revolution of goodwill begins in our families and work places, and everybody may become a revolutionary of goodwill who can make a difference.

Unemployment remains one of our most formidable challenges in South Africa.  Yet I have always maintained that there is no reason not to make our contribution to our communities, even if on a voluntary basis or as political work.  We have a responsibility to work to make our contribution to the rebuilding of our country.  The IFP is teaching South Africans the valuable lessons of self-help and self-reliance, because we know that no government will be able to provide for every need.  Realistically speaking, resources are limited and delivery of services slow.  South Africans must learn not to wait for government and take responsibility for their own situation wherever they can in the name and with the spirit of goodwill.  Community projects are vitally important in this regard as they cement the foundations for a healthy society in which we all give back as we have received.  I therefore urge you to become involved in and develop community projects and promote wherever you can the revolution of goodwill.  Let us run our electoral campaign on the strength of our example. Let people judge the IFP not on the basis of public relations operations and empty words, but for the strength of our dedication and the quality of our hard work.

The culture of entitlement is creeping into society and some people are expecting to be provided with everything and are taking without ever putting back into society.  It is sad that these freeloaders are damaging the opportunities of every moral, hard-working South African to achieve prosperity.  I am also saddened that these people do not have the opportunity to experience pride in their own productivity, as this is one of the true joys of human existence.  Work is what ultimately will free us from the bonds of poverty and economic decline. The final stage of the liberation struggle will only be achieved once we recognise our responsibility to make a contribution through hard work and self-discipline.

I speak of the final stage of liberation because I do not believe that full liberation has yet been achieved in this
country.  South Africans will not be truly free until they are released from the yoke of poverty, lack of health care services and sanitation, lack of proper education, fear due to the high incident of crime and the degradation of the human spirit through unemployment.  We  must ensure that the legacy of these horrors is not passed on to our children.  We have the ability to transform South Africa within our generation and leave an inheritance of hope and opportunity to our children.  Yet this goal will never be achieved so long as we refuse to accept responsibility for the present situation. The killing of farmers in what looks like a well planned campaign is the most serious threat to the welfare of the entire Nation as farmers are keepers of the Nation's bread- basket.

Our responsibility involves much more than working hard, though.  Many people are not fully realising the incredible power which has been bestowed upon them by democracy.  Many,people have not yet realised that on election day they have the power to fire anyone who has been elected in 1994.  No one has a job for life and only those who will be re-elected may continue to be Members of Parliament, Ministers or Members of a provincial Legislature.  The greatest responsibility of South Africans is now to prepare themselves to choose who they want to fire and who they want to retain as part of the government.  This is what democracy is all about.  It is for this reason that I have impressed upon the people the need to familiarise themselves with the positions and history of political parties.  We are responsible for choosing the political leadership which can achieve the best results for our country.  We are required to be critical thinkers rather than accepting subjects.  If you believe that your government could do more, if you hold that your government is committing blatant errors, it is up to you to send a clear message of non-acceptance.  The coming elections is the single most effective time to send that message loud and clear.  It would be a terrible misfortune if we were to lose this opportunity to forge a better South Africa.  We struggled for so many years to obtain the right to vote, we must now make full use of it.  It would be a pity too if people were to lose the right to vote by default.  This could happen if we are not properly prepared for the coming elections.

The 1999 electoral process will be different from that of 1994.  During our first democratic elections in 1994, people secured the right to vote merely by virtue of identification as a South African citizen or resident.  This time, the process of a voter's roll will be introduced.  Every individual intending to cast their vote must be registered on the voter's roll.  In order to register you need to be in possession of a valid identity document.  Your identity document needs to have been issued after 1986, and if it is either not recent or invalid, you will not be able to vote.  I urge you to secure a valid, recent identity document and to register on the voter's roll prior to our next elections in 1999.  It would be a disaster if our voices were to be silenced due to our own negligence.

The future is in our hands.  We in the IFP believe that together we can create a better future if we are willing to
make the sacrifices and put in the effort demanded by our many challenges.  The coming elections will be the ultimate test of whether we are prepared to accept responsibility for choosing a courageous leadership armed with the experience and integrity to tackle the challenges, or whether we are prepared to submit in silence to the downward spiralling of South Africa and her people. South Africa needs a tested leadership that it can trust.  Trust is not bought on credit but it is earned on the anvil of hard work.  We need a new leadership, tested by the struggle and with a track record of integrity in government.  South Africa needs the IFP leadership, because the IFP is a party that South Africans can trust.  Let the word go out that this is the time to hear and trust the IFP. I pray that God Almighty may guide us as we accept the responsibilities which lie ahead and that His presence will give us the courage and strength to make the right decisions and be worthy of the trust of the people of South Africa.