My dear friends and fellow South Africans,
Last Friday,
I took the decision to withdraw my nomination as the
Chairperson of the KwaZulu-Natal House of
Traditional Leadership (KZNHTL).
In view of
the some of the erroneous reports pertaining to my
decision I feel it is important to clarify some of
the issues.
The ANC have
campaigned long and hard for my removal as the
Chairperson of the KZNTL since its inception. This
personal vendetta has, at times, clouded the issues
of substance surrounding traditional leadership
which I have addressed on a number of occasions in
my online letter. I will return to those substantive
issues and offer a glimpse of what could be a bright
future for the institution shortly.
First, it is
important to evaluate the timeline of events to
understand last Friday's outcome. The former premier
Mr S'bu Ndebele and the Provincial Cabinet, of which
Premier Mkhize was a senior Minister, took a cabinet
decision in early 2008 to try and remove me and my
then Deputy by ordering that we should work "full
time" or else resign our positions as Member of
Parliament and Principal respectively. We were given
a deadline of June 1.
We took the
matter to the High Court and the Provincial
Government lost the case. It was stated by the Judge
that the Premier and the Provincial Council had no
legal authority to make the order that they had
made.
The then MEC
for Traditional Affairs, Mr Michael Mabuyakulu, on
behalf of the Executive Council, went further to ask
for leave to appeal to take the decision to the
Supreme Court of Appeal. Their application was again
dismissed with costs. These actions clearly
underscore the petty political agenda of the
ruling-party. It is axiomatic that the campaign to
remove me was supported by President Jacob Zuma. I
was attacked by the SACP and others for stating
this, but it was the President and the Premier who
met with amaKhosi to discuss this matter.
By way of
anecdotal example, even on Thursday evening,
amaKhosi who were intending to vote for the other
candidate, were accommodated at the Riverside Hotel
with senior officials of the Department of
Traditional Affairs in Durban, whilst I was
accommodated with my presumed backers at the Royal
Hotel on the other side of the city.
One is not
downcast however. To paraphrase Mark Twain, "reports
of my (political) death have been greatly
exaggerated". Times may be changing, but talk of
failure and lost credibility is clearly absurd. I
took a principled and strategic decision not to
stand for re-election as Chairman of the KwaZulu
Natal House of Traditional Leaders. My decision, I
believe, has effectively strengthened the
institution of traditional leadership.
My statement
to the KZNHTL on Friday encapsulated my case. It
read as follows:
"I have
dedicated my entire life, really since my early
years, to doing everything in my power to promote
the cause of the Zulu Kingdom and foster the unity
and prosperity of the Zulu Nation within the greater
unity of South Africa. I remain committed to these
historical goals, the final achievement of which
will only materialise long after the time of my
passing. I would never do anything to jeopardise the
final realisation of these goals.
We are at a
strange juncture of transformation which has created
confusion between long-term goals and short-term
personal and political gains and benefits. I know
that this juncture will be temporary and that
traditional leaders of the Kingdom of KwaZulu will
again focus on the long-term aspects of their
historical mission for the benefit of our nation and
all our people.
However, no
matter how temporary, confusing and ill-motivated
this juncture, it is most pernicious to the
achievement of the long-term goals to which I and
many others in this House have consecrated our
lives.
It is clear
to me that at this present juncture the collegial
body of traditional leaders of the Zulu Kingdom is
not ready to speak with an unanimous voice and
express a candidate for the chairmanship of the
provincial House of Traditional Leaders which can
unify all of us.
Historically,
whenever our traditional leadership has been united,
our kingdom has prospered. Whenever it has been
divided, our kingdom has suffered. Historically, the
constant and sole tactic utilised by our opponents
to undermine our Kingdom and our Nation has been
that of dividing our traditional leadership.
For this
reason, I am not prepared to be used as a tool to
divide our traditional leadership. Nor am I prepared
to preside over a divided House or a divided
institution of traditional leadership. For this
reason, I have chosen not to make myself available
for election as the Chairperson of the provincial
House of Traditional Leaders of KwaZulu Natal, a
position which I have held since 1994, considering
the position I held in the antecedent of this
House.
If this House
is capable of producing a candidate, any candidate,
who can receive the unanimous support of this House,
such person ought to be elected in my place, because
the unity of our traditional leadership is far more
important than me. In the name of such unity, I
pledge to cooperate with whoever will be so elected
for as long as he or she receives such unanimous
support, to which end I pre-announce that I will be
abstaining during the voting process."
After the
election of the deputy chairperson and the new
executive which followed the election of the
chairperson, I said:
"I wish to
congratulate Inkosi Bhekisisa Bhengu on his election
as Chairperson of the KwaZulu Natal House of
Traditional Leaders. I know that a difficult task
lies ahead for our new Chairperson. At the same time
I must congratulate Inkosi M Mzimela who was elected
as Deputy Chairperson, a position he has retained
since the inception of the House. His election as
Deputy is a great asset to the house because of his
experience not only as Deputy Chairperson of the
House but for having held the position of
Chairperson of the National House for several
years.
Inkosi Bhengu
and Inkosi Mzimela take up this position in a time
of cheque-book politics, where the interests of our
Nation have taken a backseat to self-interest and
power plays. In this pernicious environment, Inkosi
Bhengu and Inkosi M Mzimela will need to give a
strong example of leadership, to unite our Nation
and express the unanimous voice of amaKhosi.
AmaKhosi have
entrusted Inkosi Bhengu and Inkosi M Mzimela with
building on the tireless work we have done in the
past 15 years, so that we may now see the tangible
fruits of our long labour. Indeed, amaKhosi have
mandated Inkosi F Bhengu and Inkosi M Mzimela to
bring about the full recognition of the Zulu
Monarchy and the Zulu Kingdom, to establish unity
within our Nation and to ensure that Government's
commitments to the institution of traditional
leadership are upheld.
After years
of fighting for these very goals as Chairperson of
the House, it was rewarding for me to see Cabinet,
under former President Mbeki, approve the
establishment of a Department of Traditional
Leadership in 2008, to restore the dignity of the
institution and to properly focus on the needs of
traditional communities.
Former
President Motlanthe, now our Deputy President, added
his approval to this decision just a month before
South Africa's national elections, assuring amaKhosi
that the new Government would take the issue of
traditional leadership to a qualitatively higher
level.
Inkosi F
Bhengu and Inkosi M Mzimela must now engage with
President Zuma's Government to see the fulfilment of
all this work. As a seasoned politician, I am
concerned by the implications of President Zuma
renaming the Department of Provincial and Local
Government as the Department of Co-operative
Governance and Traditional Affairs. I encourage our
new Chairperson to ensure that the groundwork we
have so painstakingly laid is not now set aside.
There are
those who have sought to buy our amaKhosi. If their
agenda of disempowering the institution of
traditional leadership finally succeeds, we will
have to face the tragedy that chequebook politics
has won. For the sake of our Nation, I pray that is
not the case".
In a clear
expression of continued support for the leadership I
have provided over the years, amaKhosi increased the
number of my supporters on the ten-member Executive,
who won eight of the ten seats. Three of my
supporters were nominated to represent the
provincial House in the National House of
Traditional Leaders, and my close ally and
right-hand man Inkosi Mzimela was returned as Deputy
Chairperson. The ANC's scored only a pyrrhic
victory.
As Reverend
Musa Zondi, the IFP Secretary-General put it this
week:
"What some
are hailing as an ANC victory, is a hollow victory
indeed. It seems the ANC has not heeded the tragic
historical lessons of various countries throughout
Africa where party-political ideologues - parading
as democrats - attempted to eradicate or phase-out
the institution of traditional leadership, with
destructive social consequences.
"Prince
Buthelezi challenged the old colonial and later
apartheid attitudes towards traditional leadership,
dedicating his life to the preservation, recognition
and restoration of the dignity of amaKhosi.
Ironically, after years of battle, the most serious
threat to amaKhosi has come from a democratically
elected government.
"The battle
has become dirty and underhanded, as evidenced in
the backstage bribing and buying of amaKhosi."
As I said at
the beginning of this letter, the deeply personal
campaign against me has, I fear, detracted from the
key issues surrounding traditional leadership;
namely, authority, recognition, empowerment and
reconstruction.
Authority in
modern day South Africa derives from a Western-style
democratic process where leaders are chosen by
popular demand by people of all backgrounds and
rank. Socio-economic development in our communities
is, thankfully, driven by market forces and
regulated, sometimes too vigorously, by government.
However, there are numerous areas where traditional
leaders may be more effective than government and I
do not say this only because I am a traditional
leader and the Chairperson of the Zululand District
House of Traditional Leaders and the Traditional
Prime Minister of the King.
Such areas
include, for instance, programmes dealing with
community health in remote areas that the local
government has difficulty accessing, maintenance of
education facilities, cultural activities including
teaching of culture, traditions and language and
certain semi-judicial disciplinary processes
involving families and youths. It is crucial that
traditional leaders are supported in their
endeavours by elected officials through legislative
processes and financial backing.
As the
Machiavellian machinations of the ruling-party in
recent times suggest, the government seems content
to pay lip service to the idea of continuity of
African traditions through the institution of
traditional leadership. Yet our government forgets
that by constraining the capacity of traditional
leaders to serve their communities, it ultimately
curtails the potential of the communities
concerned.
I have
dedicated my entire life to the preservation of
traditional leaders in our communities. If the Zulu
Kingdom is to survive, it must have its respective
powers and functions recognised in and safeguarded
by a provincial constitution. Such a constitution
must accommodate not only the current monarch, but
the monarchy as a whole and its constituting
structures, including the amakhosi. Let us learn
from countries like Uganda which is a republic like
South Africa but recognises its constituent three
kingdoms.
The matter
came to a head in 2000 when the new wall-to-wall
system of local government was inaugurated.
Obviously, due to the lack of clarification, a clash
was pending between the roles of elected councillors
and amakhosi. The then Deputy President, Mr Jacob
Zuma upon instructions of President Mbeki and
cabinet together with representatives of the
Coalition of Traditional Leaders of South Africa,
legal experts and Ministers agreed in November 2000
that chapters 7 and 12 of the Constitution would
need to be amended to prevent the obliteration of
the roles and functions of traditional leaders.
A long
process of negotiations ensued. It was finalised in
the National Framework of Traditional Leadership and
Governance Act No 41 of 2003 which duly enabled
provinces to pass their own legislation pertaining
to traditional leadership. President Thabo Mbeki
likewise pledged in a letter to the then National
Chairperson of the House of Traditional Leaders,
Inkosi M Mzimela, that if the powers and functions
of traditional leaders were obliterated by the
Municipal Structures Act and other legislation, he
would amend the Constitution. Neither this, nor the
earlier 2000 undertaking, was fulfilled.
Looking ahead
to find a way out of this quagmire, perhaps a
reconstruction of traditional leadership, while
keeping a hands-off approach on the governmental
functions of elected officials, may help revitalise
our traditional leaders. The dual authority system
between traditional leadership and modern politics
that exists today needs to be recognised more
formally as a relationship on equal basis. The
specific roles to be assigned to traditional leaders
should be carefully thought out and fully agreed by
both systems from the start.
We need to
also keep in mind that while the assigned roles may
be clear, the method of carrying them out may be far
more involved than anticipated.
Clearing a
piece of land for a traditional ceremonial venue may
require the financial and technical support of the
local government to perform these services up to
modern standards. Without a full commitment of the
elected government and its financial assistance, it
is impossible for traditional leaders to do any
business.
I still
believe that even as the clock chimes five minutes
to midnight for the survival of the institution in
our country, much could be achieved if traditional
leaders were enabled to co-operate with local
government and were adequately resourced. We may
have different roles and different capacities to
elected councillors, but we both share the passion
for the same constituency: the rural poor.
Yours sincerely,
Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi MP