My dear
friends and fellow South Africans,
News of the appalling rioting of
the last week has not only found its way into the
New York Times, it has also thrown into stark relief
the issue of freedom in South Africa. For some in
South Africa today, freedom has been all but
achieved; after all it is embedded in our democratic
dispensation, enshrined in our Constitution and
exercised periodically every five years in an
election. For many others, freedom merely exists on
paper - without real substance or material benefits.
South Africa's poor are too
preoccupied with mere survival to notice government
intrusion upon their freedom. Some are gradually
discovering that, despite their right to vote, they
have no effective control over the government they
helped put in power.
South Africa's huge and inflexible
civil service is something the ANC inherited from
the apartheid government and has, understandably,
found difficult to reform. The underlying fallacy of
a large bureaucracy having an intrinsic capacity to
deliver public services in proportion to its size
continues to blunt the resolve for change.
Sadly, the rest of the continent
offers little inspiration. Ironically, the single
economic freedom for which Africa scores higher than
the world average - size of government - is more a
reflection of weakness than strength. Governments
are generally smaller in Africa not because
politicians want it that way, but because
governments lack the capacity to provide services.
Africa scores worse than the
global average on taxation, meaning that African
governments are collecting more money than their
peers but are failing to spend it effectively,
possibly because it is being siphoned off through
inefficiency and corruption. This is where we fall
in line with our neighbours.
In South Africa today we are
reaping in part, as I have said before, I believe,
the bitter harvest of rendering the country's
townships ungovernable during apartheid. We have
already seen how this culture of ungovernability has
found expression in the form of ugly dissent in our
public discourse and beyond, only consider the
pervasive culture of non-payment for municipal
services.
Two other developments, one
political and one economic, have, I believe, led to
a further meltdown in social cohesion and general
ethics in our country under the post-apartheid
government. The poet Yeats's famous line "Things fall
apart; the centre cannot hold. Mere anarchy is
loosed upon the world," could have been written
today for South Africa as it has witnessed the
inexorable centralisation of power.
It is this uncontrolled and
unaccountable concentration of power at the centre,
in the hands of the select few affiliated to the
ruling party, which is responsible for the
insufficient delivery capacity of the South African
state and which is, in turn, fuelling civil discord
bordering on lawlessness.
Much of our social discord stems
from the lack of genuine consultation between our
government and the public: 'crossed wires'. The
riots in Khutsong a few years ago, caused by the
government's blatant disregard for the residents'
wishes regarding municipal demarcation, attest to
this. The scale and intensity of the unrest in Khutsong had a negative impact on service delivery
which deteriorated dramatically when municipal
officers could not enter the area to maintain
infrastructure.
Rioters' concerns then and now
might be legitimate, but their practices never are.
The answer, I contend, lies in a return to a genuine
vision of being local.
Being local has implicit meanings:
authentic, personal, known, accessible, trustworthy.
The same attributes, I believe firmly and
passionately, apply to local government. Local
government is closer than any other tier of state
administration to the hopes, needs and aspirations
of the people. It is also closer to practical
solutions.
Where national government is prone
to setting up committees and establishing policy
units, local government contemplates and delivers
action. And it is action that makes a material
difference to an isolated, troubled or hungry
community, not words. Municipalities, by virtue of
their proximity, can bring hope to the remotest
areas of our country.
This ode to the virtues of local
government does not just flow from someone like me
who has long placed localism, decentralisation,
family and neighbourhood on top of their agenda.
Local governments, international experience shows,
are fast becoming major actors in the emerging
global legal order. The United Nations, the World
Bank, the European Union and other transnational
institutions are beginning to view local governments
as vehicles for the advancement of policies on a
global scale. Local governments are increasingly
used as a means for disseminating and implementing
global policy programmes, sound financial schemes
and governance strategies.
The traditional legal focus on
state actors is shifting on to local governments,
giving them independent legal status in the new
global order. Local governments are obtaining
international duties, powers, and rights; enforcing
international standards; forming global networks
involved in the creation of international standards;
and becoming objects of international regulation. It
has indeed become impossible to understand
globalisation and its legal ordering without
considering the role of localities: They have become
prime vehicles for the delivery of global capital,
goods and workforce.
It is for these interrelated
reasons that I, as a politician, subscribe to a
strong, independent and properly resourced local
government to lead the fight against poverty in
South Africa. However, the current dynamic between
central government, local services and citizens,
characterised by a confusion of responsibilities and
accountabilities, will have to change if we are to
deal with the roots of poverty effectively. Our
local government services are heaving under the
weight of neglect, fragmentation, political
factionalism and shortage of resources.
Until we bolster the resources of
local government and properly capacitate it, we will
continue to witness the distressing scenes of the
last week - and worse still.
Yours sincerely,
Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi MP