My dear
friends and fellow South Africans,
I feel that I owe my fellow South
Africans an explanation as some have asked me why
the IFP is not mentioned in the current talks
between the DA and COPE on political cooperation.
For the benefit of young South Africans, I think I
need to spell out where I come from as far as
coalition politics is concerned.
After the banning of some of our
liberation movements, the ANC and PAC in 1960, I
continued to work with the leader of the ANC
Mission-in-exile, Mr Oliver Tambo. When I founded INKATHA I consulted Mr Tambo
and he agreed with me when I stated that I felt that
it was time our people were given the opportunity to
have a membership-based organisation once again. The two people who encouraged me to do so
were President Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia after my
visit to Zambia and Tanzania and Bishop Alphaeus
Zulu.
This was in 1975.
In South Africa the Apartheid
Regime passed the Political Improper Interference
Act forbidding any participation of South Africans
of different races in the same political
organisations. That is why the Liberal Party was forced to
fold.
And that is why Mr Peter Brown was persecuted so
much.
I founded INKATHA in what was then
'KwaZulu' and I did not forbid Africans of other
ethnic groups from joining it. That is why I was summoned in 1977 to
Pretoria by the Minister of Police Mr Jimmy Kruger. He threatened me with action if I did not
confine membership of INKATHA to Zulus only. I told him that as long as the National Party
allowed whites of different ethnic groups to be its
members, I had the same right to allow Africans to
join INKATHA. Mr Kruger argued that whites all had a
Teutonic background. I asked him if this included the Jews, and he
did not respond to my question.
I recall that the only one-on-one
discussion that I ever had with Prime Minister John
Vorster was when he also summoned me and quizzed me
on why I allowed myself to be used by the
Progressive Federal Party. I asked him in what way I was being used. Mr Vorster then asked why I addressed their
conferences. I told him that if the National Party
invited me to address their conferences I would also
do so.
I told him that the leader of the
Progressive Federal Party Mr Colin Eglin had invited
me to go with him to visit African states. I asked him if that meant that he was using
me. Mr
Vorster said that Mr Colin Eglin was trying to use
me and that he wanted to go to Africa riding on my
back. He further accused me of being used by 'the
Rand Daily Mail'. I asked him in what way I was being used. He asked why they always got comments on
every issue from me. I told him that if they asked me for a
comment I found no reason not to do so.
I was not intimidated by Mr
Vorster.
I continued to have a good relationship with the
other leaders of the Progressive Federal Party after
Colin Eglin left the leadership. I invited leaders of the Progressive Federal
Party to our INKATHA Conferences and before Mr Colin
Eglin departed from the leadership of the Party, I
attended the Conference on Federalism at Bulugha in
East London with him and other leaders. Dr Van Zyl Slabbert and I addressed joint
meetings and also meetings of our respective
parties.
I suggested to the leaders of the
so-called "Homelands" that our oppression had
nothing to do with our ethnicity. I suggested that we should approach the government
together to voice black grievances.
This was in September 1973 in
Umthatha. That is how we had the joint meetings with
the Prime Minister Mr John Vorster. It was at the 1974 meeting that I directly
raised the issue of Mr Nelson Mandela's release in a
face to face discussion with other leaders, in
discussion with Mr Vorster.
Later, we formed the Black
Alliance with leaders of black organisations. The Political Improper Interference Act
forbade us from merging into one organisation. This alliance consisted of INKATHA National
Cultural Liberation Movement, the Labour Party of
the Coloured people led by Mr Sonny Leon and later by
the Rev Alan Hendrickse, the Reform Party led by Mr
Y S Chinsamny, the Dikwakwentla Party from the Free
State and the Inyandza Party of KaNgwane led by Mr
Enos Mabuza. I was elected its Chairman. We had meetings in Durban, in Nelspruit, in
Port Elizabeth and other places.
When the Tri-cameral system was
introduced our Black Alliance fell apart as some of
its members joined the Tri-cameral Parliament. We disagreed on participation in the
Tri-cameral system.
I continued to work with Mr Oliver
Tambo and he was informed about all these things. I met with him over the years in London, in
Nairobi in Kenya, in Lagos in Nigeria, in Mangoche
in Malawi, in Lusaka in Zambia and in Stockholm in
Sweden.
We met for the last time with Mr Tambo in London in
1979.
Each one of us with his delegation from his
organisation. We discussed the strategies of the ANC of
campaigns for economic sanctions against South
Africa and disinvestment, and also the armed
struggle.
This is when we disagreed. But we were supposed to be in touch later
after the ANC mission-in-exile then intensified
their international campaign of vilification against
me and INKATHA. This was followed by the low intensity civil
war between the ANC, UDF and INKATHA.
In 1989, Mr Nelson Mandela with
whom I corresponded, wrote to me to state that he
was looking forward to meeting with me after his
release so that we could together deal with the
carnage that was taking place between our members in
that low intensity civil war. But that was not to be. Mr Mandela phoned me in February 1990 shortly
after his release stating the urgency of us meeting
as he had indicated in his letter to me in 1989. But this was not to be. When some of the Traditional Leaders asked
him when he visited Umthatha later why he and I who
were known to be friends had not met, he stated that
the leaders of the ANC and the UDF were against the
idea and he said they almost "throttled me".
So it was not until the 29th of
January 1991 that Mr Nelson Mandela and I finally
met in Durban, each one of us accompanied by a
delegation from his organisation. We issued a joint communiqué that from that
time onwards the ANC and the IFP were to have joint
rallies addressed by both Mr Mandela and myself. And that both sides should not use what was
described as "KILLING TALK" that fuelled the
violence.
As leaders of the IFP in
Pietermaritzburg invited me to address a rally at
Taylor's Halt in Pietermaritzburg, I then invited Mr
Mandela to address the rally with me and to make it
a joint rally. Before the rally took place, the
KwaZulu Natal leader of the ANC, Mr Harry Gwala,
took a busload of ANC leaders from the Province to
Johannesburg to forbid Mr Mandela from going to
Taylor's Halt to address a joint rally with me. This is what Mr Mandela told me when I phoned
to ask why he was no longer coming to address the
joint rally at Taylor's Halt with me.
When Mr Nelson Mandela, Mr Walter
Sisulu and Mr Cyril Ramaphosa visited Mr Harry
Gwala, Mr Gwala said: "It's either that Buthelezi dies or I Harry
am no longer with you". Mr Gwala said their attitude towards me was
an absurdity. He said that they should not meet me or even
shake hands with me. He said that the only way they can defeat me
is when I am dead. He said that without me INKATHA will fade. He said that I should not be permitted to
survive and that this must be done soon.
There were a number of efforts
that were mounted by church leaders in an effort to
bring about some rapport between the ANC and the IFP
which came to nought.
When the Interim Constitution was
passed it provided that any Party that had 5 per cent of the votes
should participate in the Cabinet. When the IFP received more than 10
per cent of the votes in 1994, Mr Mandela invited me
to participate in the Cabinet as his Minister of
Home Affairs.
During the time of the Government
of National Unity some of the members of the ANC and
the IFP in Thokoza invited both Mr Mandela and I to
unveil a memorial to the people in both
organisations who died during the low intensity
civil war between our members. Mr Mandela could not get a date because of
the demands on his time. It was not until October 1999 that Mr Thabo
Mbeki as leader of the ANC and I as leader of the
IFP fulfilled the wishes of the people of Thokoza by
jointly unveiling the memorial and later addressing
a joint rally there.
I will jump a number of other
efforts that have been made to bring about
rapprochement between the ANC and the IFP which have
not succeeded in spite of our serving in the
Government of National Unity together and also in
the government of the Province of KwaZulu Natal.
In 2004, I appealed to Opposition
Parties to get together to present a common front. None of the opposition parties responded. It can be remembered that Mr Tony Leon and I
agreed to form a coalition during the election which
did not work out. It was rejected by the KwaZulu Natal leaders
of the DA.
There has been a recent effort to
get the parties in Parliament together and that
included the ANC. I have attended these meetings and have gone
along with the decisions that have been taken.
So, I found it difficult to
understand what the Political Editor of
'The Business Day' meant when he
wrote the following this week under the heading;
"TIME FOR A COMMON FRONT, AGAINST ANC" ? Monday
Comment by Tim Cohen (Business Day 3 August 2009):
"Four major problems arise with unity discussions
between political parties. The first is who should be included and who
excluded. In this case the problem slightly solves
itself.
Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) leader Mangosuthu
Buthelezi is 81 but has no intention of
relinquishing leadership. Until he does the IFP is unlikely
to join".
My whole history does not justify
this statement by Tim Cohen. He has never met and talked with me even on
the phone. I find no justification for such a highly
placed journalist to write such a statement that I
am not prepared to relinquish leadership of my
Party.
And for him to conclude that as long as I
lead my Party it is unlikely that the IFP can join
such a common front is also without justification. Tim Cohen's pontifications are not justified
by my past history.
In the dark days of apartheid it
was I who tried to get the people of different races
and of different political backgrounds together
through the Buthelezi Commission and the KwaZulu
Natal Indaba. I also invited representatives of the ANC and
the National Party to participate in the KwaZulu
Natal Indaba and both of them declined.
These efforts resulted in the only
non-racial government that operated in South Africa,
the KwaZulu Natal Joint Executive Authority.
I have great respect for what Tim
Cohen writes from time to time. But he has demeaned himself in indulging in
this mindless vilification of me. I put him on such a high pedestal that I
would never have thought that he would also demean
his integrity by indulging in the game that is so
popular amongst so-called political analysts,
journalists and academics; the endless
Buthelezi-bashing. I must congratulate the ANC for having
succeeded in portraying me in such a way that I have
become the veritable bête noire of South African
politics.
As far as the Democratic
Alliance's negotiations with Cope, the UDM and ID
are concerned, I wish them well.
In all candour, the prospects of
South Africa becoming a consolidated democracy, one
in which power alternates between different opposing
parties, and for the opposition, have been very
bleak indeed. Since 2004, opposition parties have
largely cannibalized one another whilst their
combined share of the vote has fallen. However, the
DA's - and Mrs Zille's winning of the Western Cape
with an outright majority - and Cope's success at the recent
election could break the mould. I hope so. The fact
of the matter is that the DA has not, to my
knowledge, approached the IFP on this matter. We
would certainly have participated in the discussions
if we had.
The SA body politic, at present,
does not contain an equivalent to, say, for example,
the Christian Democrat Union (CDU) in Germany (the
IFP has had a long relationship with this party),
with which the IFP could be ideologically aligned.
But I see no reason at all why the IFP could not
form one of the core blocks of a future
centralist/centre-right government of a Christian
Democratic hue.
There is a political space for
such a broad movement. I have always championed
coalition politics with the general rule that it is
better to form coalitions after elections than
before. Mergers, of course, are quite another
matter.
Yours sincerely,
Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi, MP