My dear
friends and fellow South Africans,
Last week I
was in the Eternal City to attend the 5th World
Parliamentarians' Convention on Tibet. The city was
bathed in the golden light of winter sunshine as we
gathered from the four corners of the earth to
consider the question of the mountain Kingdom of
Tibet. We last met in Edinburgh in 2005 and, to be
candid, precious little has been achieved since then
for the plight of the Tibetan people. Thus it was a
poignant and sober gathering which convened at the
elegantly appointed House of Deputies; 2009 is the
50th anniversary of China's annexation of Tibet. His
Holiness, The Dalai Lama's envoy to South Africa, Mr
Sonam Tenzing, was a baby when he was smuggled out
of Tibet when the spiritual leader of Tibet crossed
the border into India after an epic 15-day journey
on foot from the Tibetan capital, Lhasa, over the
Himalayan mountains. To this day, neither Sonam nor
the Dalai Lama has returned to their motherland.
For the
benefit of younger readers, the Dalai Lama left
Lhasa on 17 March 1959 with an entourage of 20 men,
including six Cabinet ministers. Many thought he had
been killed in the fierce Chinese crackdown that
followed the Tibetan uprising earlier that month.
The Dalai Lama had to navigate the 500-yard wide
Brahmaputra river, and endure the harsh climate and
extreme heights of the Himalayas, travelling at
night to avoid the Chinese sentry guards. He finally
crossed the Indian border at the Khenzimana Pass,
before resting at the Towang Monastery, 50 miles
inside the Indian border. It was not known if the
Indian Government would offer him asylum. The
government of Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru was
been heavily criticised internationally for failing
to condemn the Chinese crackdown. India, we now
know, proved to be a noble and generous host to the
Tibetan government-in-exile in keeping with that
nation's generous spirit and democracy.
It is
estimated that 2,000 people died during the three
days of fighting between the Tibetans and the
Chinese army. In the worst single incident, the
Chinese army fired about 800 artillery shells into
the Dalai Lama's Summer Palace, razing the ancient
building to the ground. The area contained over 300
houses, and thousands of civilians died and were
injured in the inferno.
The tragedy
marked the end of the uprising in Lhasa. All
fighting-age men who had survived the revolt were
deported, and those fleeing the scene reported that
Chinese troops burned corpses in the city for 12
hours. China then announced in an order signed by
leader Chou En-lai that a large-scale rebellion had
been crushed in Lhasa, although it said the revolt
was still continuing outside the capital. China
announced that the Tibetan governing body had been
dissolved under martial law, and said the Dalai Lama
had been replaced by the Panchen Lama, his
pro-Chinese rival, as the nominal head of a
committee to set up a Tibetan Autonomous Region
within the Chinese People's Republic (Source: BBC
online).
Today, When
His Holiness the Dalai Lama speaks to Tibetans in
India or in other countries he frequently repeats
the words tsenjoli (exile) and tsenjolpa (an exile),
and the deep impression left by these two words has
become a significant identifier of the Tibetan
people-post 1959. In the English session which I
chaired, South Africa's leader of the opposition,
Athol Trollip, made the pithy observation that the
Tibetan Diaspora was much longer than the black
liberation exile of thirty years or so. Just before
I left for Italy, I received a memorandum from the
Consul General of Durban which received widespread
publicity at home and abroad. The Consul General
wrote to me:
'On 23
October, I met with Rev. Musa Zondi and other
colleagues from IFP, and we had a frank and smooth
talk on promoting China-South Africa friendly
exchanges, as well as the Tibet and Dalai Lama
issue. I sincerely hope this meeting will enhance
the understanding of the leaders of the IFP on the
essence of the so-called "Tibetan issue", to
correctly deal with the Tibetan issue, which
concerns China's core interests.
It is
reported that, under Dalai Lama's persuasion, the
so-called "World Parliament Members Conference on
Tibetan Issue" will be hosted in Italy on 18th
November, 2009, which bears the motivation of
interfering in China's internal affairs and
supporting Tibetan independence to support Dalai
Lama's intervention of separating Tibet from China
under Dalai Lama's pretext of "High-level Autonomy".
As far as we know, an invitation to the above
mentioned conference has been sent to the President
of IFP, His Excellency Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi.
China and
South Africa have always shared a friendly
relationship.
Although
Inkatha Freedom Party is an opposition party, it
should also cherish the China-South African
friendship and respect the international community's
consensus. We sincerely wish the leaders of IFP can
identify the nature of the conference, proceed from
the overall situation of China-South Africa
friendship, and not take any action which will
interfere in China's internal affairs and hurt
Chinese people's feelings. We sincerely hope Prince
Mangosuthu Buthelezi make the right decision, and
not attend the above mentioned conference in
Italy'.
I read this
with a heavy heart because, of course, the last
thing I would ever want to do is hurt the feelings
of the Chinese people. Last year I travelled to this
great and ancient civilisation and marvelled at her
progress. I think my exchange with the Consul
General (I politely, but firmly, stated that I would
not be deterred from my support of the Dalai Lama or
from travelling to Rome), touched upon the thorniest
issue in this dispute: the tendency on both sides -
like here often - to demonise the other protagonist.
As I listened and carefully weighed the delicate
arguments in Rome one is deeply aware that this
question is located in the 'most important
conversation in the world': the survival of planet
earth.
Glaciers high
in the Himalayas, we heard, are dwindling faster
than anyone thought, putting nearly a billion people
living in South Asia in peril of losing their water
supply. Fresh water supplies are the gold rush of
the twenty-first century. Throughout India, China,
and Nepal, some 15,000 glaciers speckle the Tibetan
Plateau, some of the highest land in the world.
There, perched in thin, frigid air up to 7,200
meters (23,622 feet) above sea level, the ice might
seem secluded from the effects of global warming.
But just the opposite is proving true, according to
the latest scientific research. The Tibetan plateau
is suffering from soil erosion, melting permafrost,
shrinking glaciers, grassland degradation and
declining biodiversity as a result of increasing
human activity and climate change. Since 1961,
temperatures have risen 0.32C every 10 years, one of
the fastest rates of warming in the world, leading
ice fields on the "third pole" to melt faster than
anywhere else in China's territory. The population
has almost tripled in the same period as a result of
an influx of migrants from China's dominant Han
ethnic majority.
China
produces some of the most eminent scientists in the
world and many of them are convinced that Tibetan
nomads possess vital 'know-how' to manage Tibet's
biodiversity as they have done for centuries. Now
this just a thought: imagine for one moment if the
biggest challenge of our time - our planet's very
survival - was to draw Chinese scientists and
Tibetan nomads together in a common endeavour. When
one looks around the world's conflict hotspots from
here to Northern Ireland to the Middle East one
becomes aware that differences often fall away when
local communities grasp that they share many of the
same goals of their neighbours. Yesterday, we
learnt, the Chinese prime minister, Wen Jiabao, will
attend the Copenhagen climate talks next month as it
unveiled firm targets for curbing the world's
biggest carbon footprint for the first time. China
announced that it would cut emissions of carbon
relative to economic growth by 40% to 45% by 2020
compared with 2005 levels. Here China has taken a
lead. History will judge The Middle Kingdom fairly
if she demonstrates the same clarity of vision and
leadership by working with, and not against, the
grain of Tibetan culture.
Sincerely,
Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi MP